The Political Hyena

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Hyenas are opportunistic killers as well as cadaver feeders

 

The Keralan Rise

In June 1969, a month after the 13 May tragedy, Mahathir wrote a letter to Tunku Abdul Rahman and began it with the following sentence:

“Patek berasa dukachita kerana tujuan patek membuat kenyataan kepada akhbar telah di-salah faham oleh Y.T.M. Tunku. Sa-benar-nya tujuan patek sama-lah juga dengan tujuan Tunku, ia-itu untok menyelamatkan negara ini daripada bahaya yang menganchamkan-nya.”

The Tunku’s popularity was at an all-time low.  He had lost control over the issues that were dogging the population and had allowed that to spiral into a nationwide communal violence.  Mahathir saw that as an opportunity to finally conclude a personal battle against the Tunku that had begun 27 years earlier, and end the latter’s political career.

That letter earned the Tunku’s wrath.  Mahathir was expelled from UMNO.  Seeing that the end is nigh, the Tunku chose to step down a day after his nephew, Tuanku Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah, was sworn in as the Yang DiPertuan Agong.

Mahathir was brought back into UMNO’s folds by the Tunku’s successor, Tun Abdul Razak, with the recommendation by Selangor Menteri Besar, Harun Idris.  When Razak died in January 1976, his cousin Hussein moved up and Mahathir became his deputy.

In 1981, Hussein had had to go for a coronary bypass surgery at the Harley Street Clinic in London.  Mahathir saw this as an opportunity to have Hussein out of the way.  In a post taken from Tian Chua’s Malaysia Chronicles, it is said that the DAP mysteriously received documents alleging that Hussein’s wife, Suhaila, was running Petronas from their residence in Sri Taman (now Memorial Tun Razak).  There were also documents alleging that Exxon was stealing oil from Malaysian oilfields without Petronas’s knowledge.

In the same article, it was reported that it was Mahathir himself who started a rumour when Hussein was seeking treatment in London saying that the latter had a “terrible heart condition” and would be stepping down as Prime Minister upon his return from London “for health reasons”.

Purging of Cabinet Members and Interference in the Judiciary

After Hussein was gone, Mahathir had to remove other obstacles.  The biggest obstacle was in the form of Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.  The ‘Team A’ versus ‘Team B’ rivalry saw Mahathir being returned after beating Razaleigh 761 votes to 718, Mahathir took further steps to eradicate Razaleigh’s influence by purging all Team B members from his cabinet.

This led to 12 Team B members to bring the matter to the High Court alleging that 78 of the delegates had been selected by branches not registered with the Registrar of Societies, and as a result were not eligible to vote. They also claimed that certain documents related to the election had been “tampered with”. Although Razaleigh was not among the twelve plaintiffs, he was widely believed to be funding and co-ordinating the suit

As a result, Justice Harun Hashim declared UMNO “an unlawful society” in 1987, but it took Mahathir, who was also the Home Minister then, just two weeks to have UMNO (Baru) registered – a process that would have taken months, if not years.  The Registrar of Societies come under the Home Minister’s purview after all.

Mahathir did not take Harun Hashim’s judgment lightly.  In an attack on the judiciary, he had several judges, including Harun Hashim, reassigned to other divisions.  Salleh Abas, who was the Lord President of the Supreme Court, was pressured to convene a meeting with 20 Supreme Court and High Court judges where they agreed that the Lord President should write to the Yang DiPertuan Agong and the Malay Rulers expressing their grievances against Mahathir’s interference in the Judiciary.

Being the opportunist that he is, Mahathir knew that the then-Yang DiPertuan Agong was not in favour with Salleh Abas, over an issue about the noises that came from the construction of His Majesty’s private house which was in Salleh Abas’s neighbourhood, took advantage of the situation to agree with the Yang DiPertuan Agong that Salleh be removed.

A tribunal was set up. Five Supreme Court judges were removed – Tan Sri Azmi Kamaruddin, Tan Sri Eusoffe Abdoolcader, Tan Sri Wan Hamzah Mohamed Salleh, Tan Sri Wan Suleiman Pawanteh and Datuk George Seah.  With the Supreme Court suspended, the challenge toward the legality of the tribunal could not be heard.

Salleh Abas was removed as the Lord President.  Soon after, two other Supreme Court judges were also removed.  They were Tan Sri Wan Sulaiman and Datuk George Seah.

Removal of Dissent via Ops Lalang

In 1987, tensions between the Malays and Chinese were high, partly as a result of Anwar Ibrahim’s education policies in particular the replacing of Chinese-educated assistant headmasters of Chinese schools with those unversed in Chinese language (Mandarin)  On 5 September 1987, Lim Kit Siang had to send a wire to Anwar Ibrahim asking him to stop all transfers until the issue had been resolved.  What did Mahathir do? Absolutely nothing to appease both sides.

Within a month, the tensions turned ugly and the threat of another 13 May loomed.  The police had to take drastic action by executing Ops Lalang.  A list of troublemakers and potential trouble makers were drawn up in a meeting between senior police officers in Fraser’s Hills, away from the eyes of the public, and when the danger of a racial clash was imminent, the police arrested those shortlisted.

The police did not have to seek the blessing from the Home Minister (who was Mahathir then) to conduct the arrests.  However, the police would have to brief the Home Minister on the person(s) arrested.  According to the now defunct Internal Security Act, 1960, only the Home Minister could sign a detention order to put a person behind bars without trial for a period not exceeding two years, IF THE HOME MINISTER IS SATISFIED WITH THE REASONS FOR ARREST. If not, they should be released.

And only the Home Minister was given the power to review the detention of a person, and extend the detention period for a period not exceeding two years each time. Not the police.

Turning the Brits into Suckers

The UK economy was in a bad shape back in the 1980s.  Mahathir took the opportunity to strike at the UK by starting the ‘Buy British Last’ campaign in order to launch the infamous “Dawn Raid”.  It was a time when Thatcher was trying to tackle high inflation. She tightened up her fiscal policy and aimed at reducing inflation by increasing taxes and interest rates, and cut spendings.  As a result, the British government decided to increase foreign students’ fees by threefolds, from around £300 to £900.  That was one of the reasons for the “Dawn Raid”.

In the end, it was an excuse to get the already weakened British government to provide financial aid to Malaysia in what is now known as the ‘Pergau Dam Affair‘.  According to UK’s The Independent, Thatcher’s determination ‘to bat for Britain’ led her to agree to a huge development aid package as part of an arms deal which she negotiated during a visit to Kuala Lumpur in September 1988. The deal, at that time involving the sale of Tornado jet fighters, artillery, radar, submarines and Rapier missiles, was so sensitive that civil servants were banished from the room during the final stages of the negotiation.

The original Tornado jets deal, worth more than £1 billion, was cancelled when Mahathir decided to buy instead 18 MiG-29N fighters from Russia and eight F/A-18 Hornet fighters from the US.  The deal with Britain was reduced to a mere £400 million sale of 28 BAe Hawk 108s and 208s.

More Treacheries In The 1990s

In 1986, Mahathir persuaded the docile Ghafar Baba to become his deputy.  This move was to appease those who were against him in UMNO, and was made of want to be seen to welcome some form of neutrality.  But really Anwar was his choice for a deputy.  But Anwar was still “too young” then in political terms.  Furthermore, Ghafar pledged his loyalty to Mahathir – a weakness that Mahathir exploited very well.

In 1993, Anwar was ready to take on the seasoned Ghafar Baba. When asked why did he not fight back, Ghafar had this to say:

“I had no means to fight, no money. Also, I did not want to attack Anwar then. How could I? We were in the same party. It would have only benefited the Opposition. My mistake was I did not see that politics had changed. In the past, they supported you based on your track record. Now it’s something else –this money politics.”

What did Mahathir do to stop Anwar from attacking Ghafar?  As usual, nothing.

Anwar Ibrahim’s meteoric rise to the No.2 spot made him a very popular man especially with the youth.  Many were already disenfranchised with Mahathir who not only by then had been in power for 12 years, but had two deputies removed before Anwar.

Soon, Anwar’s popularity became a threat to Mahathir.  When the Asian Economic Crisis caused a financial meltdown, Mahathir allowed it to go on.  On 3 December 1997, a cabinet meeting was held in Langkawi.  Mahathir got a shock when, upon arrival, seeing that the meeting had been chaired by Anwar and had already been concluded. The cabinet members had decided to adopt an austerity plan similar to those imposed on neighbouring Thailand and Indonesia by the International Monetary Fund. The plan would cut public spending and halt infrastructure projects championed by Mahathir.

Mahathir agreed to go along with the cabinet’s decision.  However, the very next day he announced that he would proceed with a controversial USD2.7 billion rail and pipeline project, effectively shooting down the cabinet decision.  That sent alarms to investors and caused the Malaysian Ringgit to tumble to a new low.

As Prime Minister, Mahathir did nothing to arrest the fall of the Ringgit. At one point in January 1988, the Ringgit was traded at RM4.88 to the USD.  Anwar being the impatient Anwar, launched a veiled attack on Mahathir with his “cronyism, nepotism” war-cry.  Mahathir was then handed on a silver platter two reasons to get rid of Anwar.

The Opportunistic Hyena Now

Observers commented that Mahathir now spits at the sky.  When his successor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi made errors of political judgment and received salvoes of fire from the Opposition, Mahathir saw that his successor may not win the 12th general elections – an event that would not augur well with Mahathir.  Furthermore, Abdullah refused to interfere in the Federal Court’s decision to quash the sodomy conviction against Anwar.  Anwar would then be released and was free to launch attacks on his former boss.

When Najib Razak was being attacked over the 1MDB issue, Mahathir thought that there was no way that the former would be able to explain himself.  Naturally, the Barisan Nasional could even lose the next general elections.  In the run up to the 13th General Elections, the Opposition promised that they would bring Mahathir to trial for his sins as the 4th Prime Minister.  If BN loses, Mahathir would be sitting duck.

Being the opportunistic political hyena, Mahathir launched an all-out attack on Najib.  At one point, political observers were very sure that Najib was going to crumble.  However, when Najib fought back and started to gain grounds, Mahathir was left with no choice but to align himself with the very people he sent to prison without trial.

Mahathir’s fear has always been of being prosecuted in a court of law for corrupt practices during his tenure as the Prime Minister. He needs a strong Prime Minister who could protect him.  By getting on the wrong side of Najib, he had lost all the protection he could get from the BN government. His solution was to form an alliance with his enemies, form a political party and join the Pakatan coalition.  At least if Pakatan wins the next elections, he would be protected.

But at the back of his mind he knew that someone in Pakatan might turn his or her back on him and decide that he should stand trial for corruption – and that the billions his family owns would be frozen and confiscated.  Therefore, he made his other move – be Pakatan’s Prime Minister-designate.  All he needs is about two years if he lives that long, to escape the law.

As for now, Mahathir would say just about anything to show his relevancy, and to plead to the voters to accept him as their Prime Minister again – just as how his long-time friend Robert Mugabe has decided to form his own political party.  It does not matter how damaging his words may be to the country, as long as he gets to fullfil his personal mission.

This brings me to remember the time when the Tunku launched attacks on Mahathir.  Anwar Ibrahim was interviewed on the matter by foreign journalists.  Anwar said the Tunku is a voice of the past, speaking for a style of politics that no longer exists. ”A grand old man who has done his bit,” he said to the journalists ”But I don’t know if he’s even conscious of what he is saying.”

We don’t know what Mahathir the Hyena is saying either.

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Reformasi Untuk Mahathir

Mahathir’s return to politics in 1973 was watched closely by other races, in particular the Chinese and Indians.  His meteoric rise to the Deputy Prime Minister’s post in 1976 was of grave concern by many.  His imminent Premiership caused a large number of migration by Malaysian Chinese.  Despite the economic growth in the late 1980s through 1997, some 42,000 Malaysian Chinese opted to work elsewhere.  This number includes some 14,000 Malaysian Chinese who were working illegally in Japan in 1993 (Shimada, 1994).

If citizenship is conferred on races other than the Malays, it is because the Malays consent to this,” wrote Mahathir in his book ‘The Malay Dilemma‘.

“The Chinese and Indians coming from countries with vast populations are less concerned about good behavior and manners. In their lives, nobility, which is always associated with breeding, was totally absent. Age and riches are the only things they defer to,” he added.

Calling for reforms such as the mandatory use of tamper-proof scales, Mahathir wrote of scales that can be used to shortchange customers and said, ”The small-time Chinese retailer is adept at this practice and unscrupulous enough to use it as a weapon in competition.”

Mahathir was the ultra-Malay to many including the Malays themselves.  Fears of race clashes haunted the voters during the run-up to the 1982 General Elections.  I remember being sent to Mimaland in Gombak with Datuk Latt Shariman (President, E-Sports Malaysia) on polling day in case something bad happens.  It was the first General Elections under Mahathir and it was called more than a year before the then-mandate ended.  Public rallies were banned citing ‘security’ reasons and only indoor gatherings and house-to-house canvassing were allowed (Lim Kit Siang, 22 March 1982).

Even though Malaysia’s economic growth peaked at 8 percent in the mid 1990s, it was mired in scandals involving the practice of cronyism and nepotism.  Lim Kit Siang wrote that Mirzan, Mokhzani and Mukhriz Mahathir – acted as companies’ directors, and that according to searches the DAP had made at the Registry of Companies at the end of 1994, Mirzan had interests in 98 companies, Mokhzani in 48 companies and Mukhriz in 67 companies (Lim Kit Siang, 16 June 1998).  Compared to the 213 companies his sons were directors in back in 1994, 488 is the number of companies Mahathir, daughter and sons are directors in as at end of 2016 (Wakeup Malaya, 6 January 2017).

The calls for Mahathir to resign in 1998 for practising nepotism and cronyism culminated in the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim as his deputy in September of the same year, accusing the latter not only of being a tool for George Soros’s attacks on the country’s financial system but also for leading a morally-corrupted life.  Lim Kit Siang and other Opposition leaders were quick to embrace Anwar, acccepting him into their fold when it was just a year earlier that the late Karpal Singh had made mention of allegations of sexual misconducts against Anwar in a Parliamentary sitting – a scene not much different to Lim Kit Siang’s immediate acceptance of Mahathir after decades of mudslinging the latter.

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Anti-Mahathir demonstrations were held almost daily and then held every Friday afternoon at the National Mosque.  These demonstrations were quelled using brute force.  The ‘Reformasi’ movement was born, and the likes of theatre-practitioners such as Jo Kukathas were seen on the streets and interviewed by Maria Ressa saying “Enough is Enough” to Mahathir.  Anwar and several other pro-Reformasi and UMNO leaders critical of Mahathir were arrested without trial under the ISA including current DPM Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.

Parti Keadilan Rakyat, then known by its acronym ADIL, was born out of hatred towards Mahathir, with the aim of toppling him and installing Anwar Ibrahim.  The 1999 General Elections saw how Mahathir suffered a pyrrhic victory, losing grounds in Kelantan and his homestate of Kedah, while losing Terengganu to PAS.  Mahathir-loyalists such as Ramli Ngah Talib, Megat Junid Megat Ayub and Sanusi Junid lost their seats.  That was the beginning of the sounding of the death knell for Mahathir’s virtually unchallenged reign.  During the UMNO General Assembly of 2002, he announced his resignation from party posts as well as Malaysia’s Prime Minister.

Ever since then, with the more open administrations of Pak Lah and Najib Razak, Mahathir became one of the targets of the Opposition in their blog posts, press statements as well as ceramahs.

In June 2012, Mahathir’s newly-made best friend even suggested that Mahathir is tried for his part in the BNM Forex scandal, hinting Egyptian Hosni Mubarak’s imprisonment as a comparison (Lim Kit Siang, 3 June 2012).

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But all is forgotten and forgiven now, even when Mahathir admitted that his apology was only customary and not sincere.  Despite veiled objections from Anwar and Azmin Ali’s camp, Mahathir was named at a Pakatan convention as their Prime Minister of choice albeit interim.   This underscores the fact that the leadership of Pakatans parties do not trust the younger generation to lead the coalition as the position of the elders and powers that come with the position, may be undermined by the younger ones.

The signal of dissent is clear.  Azmin only attended the convention for a while, not waiting for the announcement to be made while Karpal Singh’s daughter, Sangeet Kaur Deo,  has hit out at Pakatan which probably is suffering from a dearth of capable young leaders.  Even Mahathir once quipped that Anwar, who is 22 years his junior, may be too old to become a Prime Minister.

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On Facebook, we are seeing people in their 40s and 50s voicing out their concern over Pakatan’s choice of Prime Minister, alarmed that the monster they have put behind them, could very well jump out from underneath the bed and into their lives again.

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But it does not stop Mahathir from wanting to become the Prime Minister.  He once hinted that he may have to consider becoming the PM again, underscoring the fact that he does not trust anyone else.

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“I may be 93 but at 71 Anwar is much older!”

Wan Azizah may be blind to the fact that Mahathir had once denied the Premiership to her husband and went as far as making sure Anwar went to jail to keep him out of the way, while Lim Kit Siang is only friends with Mahathir because he needs the Malay votes to ensure Pakatan’s seats are sustained after the departure of PAS from the now-defunct Pakatan Rakyat.

Will Mahathir be willing to step aside for Anwar Ibrahim or whoever else younger who would be more acceptable to the younger and middle-aged generation aware of his antics?  I doubt.  But as Sangeet mentioned above, it will be a return to Mahathirism, an era of abuse of power, cronyism and nepotism that the Reformasi movement was totally against.

Somehow, it seems that the Reformasi movement has become a tool for what it was totally against – ushering Mahathir into the premiership and welcoming again abuse of pwer, nepotism and cronyism.

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Anwar is NOT going to be MY PM

 

Kurang Adat Kurang Adab Kurang Ajar

Undang-undang di Malaysia adalah hasil pergabungan di antara akal, adat dan ugama.  Adat adalah merupakan kanun yang tidak bertulis yang dijadikan pegangan hidup oleh orang-orang Melayu sejak dari dahulu lagi.  Untuk dijadikan pegangan rasmi, maka adat diterjemahkan kepada undang-undang bertulis, dan digabungkan dengan akal dan syarak sepertimana yang terdapat dalam undang-undang terdahuu seperti Undang-Undang 99 Negeri Perak dan Undang-Undang Darat/Laut negeri Melaka yang berlandaskan adat dan syariah.

Maka, undang-undang syariah di Tanah Melayu ini telah wujud sebelum pihak Inggeris memperkenalkan undang-undang sivil untuk digunapakai pihak pentadbir selain hal ehwal adat istiadat Melayu dan agama Islam.

Kassim Ahmad berkata kerajaan tiada hak untuk campurtangan dalam hal ehwal Islam

Semalam, kita dikejutan sekali lagi oleh bekas tahanan ISA Kassim Ahmad yang berkata kerajaan tidak sepatutnya campur tangan dalam hal ehwal agama.

Beliau berkata sedemikian dalam satu artikel portal Malaysian Insight yang bertajuk “Kerajaan Tak Perlu Campurtangan Urusan Islam, kata Kassim.”

Kassim berkata, adalah perlu untuk meminda Perlembagaan Persekutuan dengan mengeluarkan “Islam adalah agama Persekutuan.

Portal yang dikendalikan oleh Jahabar Sadiq yang didakwa oleh portal Malaysia Today sebagai dibiayai oleh parti DAP itu memberi gelaran “Sarjana Islam” kepada Kassim yang terkenal dengan pendirian anti-Hadithnya.

Kassim pernah ditahan oleh pihak Jabatan Agama Islam Wilayah Persekutuan (JAWI) atas dakwaan menghina Islam dan mengingkari pihak berkuasa agama pada tahun 2015 dalam satu seminar bertajuk “Seminar Pemikiran Kassim Ahmad: Satu Penilaian” yang turut dihadiri oleh U-Turn Mahathir.

Kassim pernah ditahan di bawah Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA) pada November 1976 kerana berfahaman sosialis komunis.  Fahaman ini didokongi beliau sejak zaman universiti lagi apabila menganggotai Kelab Sosialis Universiti semasa menuntut di Universiti Malaya Singapura.

Petikan Hansard Parlimen pada 23 Mac 1979 yang membincangkan penahanan Kassim Ahmad

Pada 23 Mac 1979, P Patto dari parti DAP telah menyoal Allahyarham (Tan Sri ketika itu) Ghazali Shafie selaku Menteri Dalam Negeri mengenai tahanan Kassim.  Ghazali berkata adalah masih perlu bagi penahanan Kassim di bawah ISA diteruskan.

Namun, dua minggu setelah menjawat jawatan Perdana Menteri, U-Turn Mahathir merupakan orang yang menandatangani arahan pada 30 Julai 1981 supaya Kassim Ahmad dibebaskan.

Kassim adalah pelopor anti-Hadith yang sering menggunakan alasan bahawa hadith telah ditulis sekitar 200 tahun selepas kewafatan Nabi Muhammad SAW.  Fahaman beliau ini berlandaskan penulisan Dr Rashad Khalifa dari Mesir dalam sebuah buku bertajuk “The Computer Speaks: God’s Message to the World.”

Buku ini memberikan bukti-bukti secara saintifik bahawa Al-Quran tidak memerlukan sokongan Hadith kerana telah cukup memadai untuk dijadikan rujukan pedoman umat Islam.

Rashad Khalifa adalah pengasas United Submitters International, sebuah gerakan Qur’aniyun yang menolak hadith.  Rashad juga mendakwa diri beliau sebagai seorang nabi dan mendakwa juga telah diberitahu oleh Jibril bahawa Ayat 3 Surah Yasin adalah merujuk kepada beliau (Rashad).

Fahaman Rashad juga tidak jauh dari seorang lagi “Sarjana Islam” dari Hungary iaitu Ignác Goldziher.  Goldziher, atau nama sebenarnya Yitzhak Goldziher adalah seorang Sarjana dari budapest berbangsa Yahudi.

Yitzhak Goldziher

Goldziher pernah menulis kajian beliau bertajuk Muhammedanische Studien pada tahun 1890 yang mendakwa hadith adalah rekaan manusia 200 tahun setelah kewafatan Nabi Muhammad SAW.  Dakwaan Goldziher ini disangkal oleh Patricia Crone pada tahun 2002 dalam buku beliau bertajuk Roman, Provincial and Islamic Law terbitan Cambridge University Press.

Berdasarkan ajaran Rashad, Kassim telah menolak Hadith sebagai bida’ah yang direka manusia setelah kewafatan Nabi Muhammad SAW dan punca perpecahan umat Islam.  Maka hadith adalah ajaran sesat yang diada-adakan oleh manusia.

Sedangkan pakar hadith dari Universiti King Saud, Muhammad Mustafa Al-A’zami, membuktikan bahwa penulisan hadith sudah dimulai sejak Nabi Muhammad SAW masih hidup.

Sahabat-sahabat Nabi yang telah menulis hadith termasuk Umul Mu’minin Aisyah, Abdullah bin Abbas, Jabir bin Abdullah, Abdullah bin Amr bin Al-Asy, Umar bin Khattab dan Ali bin Abi Thalib.

Dan orang seperti Kassim ini boleh diberi gelaran “Sarjana Islam” oleh portal Malaysian Insight dalam artikel yang menghina agama Islam dan mempersoalkan kedudukan Islam sebagai Agama Persekutuan Malaysia.

 

Orang yang sesat lagi menyesatkan inilah juga yang disokong rakan seperjuangan beliau.

Sokong Kassim! Jangan tak sokong!

Tidaklah menghairankan kerana U-Turn Mahathir juga pernah menyokong buku tulisan Kassim bertajuk “Hadis: Satu Penilaian Semula” yang pernah diharamkan oleh Majlis Fatwa pada tahun 1986.

Dia yang anti Hadith, UMNO juga terpalit

Kassim juga setakat gagalkan mengemukakan bukti bahawa perpecahan umat Islam adalah akibat Hadith dan bukan politik. Beliau yang gemar menggunakan ayat-ayat Al-Quran tertentu bagi menguatkan hujah beliau telah dengan sengaja tidak mengutarakan sekali Firman Allah SWT dalam surah An-Nahl ayat 64 iaitu:

“Dan Kami tidak menurunkan kepadamu (wahai Muhammad) Al-Kitab (Al Quran) ini, melainkan agar kamu dapat menjelaskan kepada mereka apa yang mereka perselisihkan itu dan menjadi petunjuk dan rahmat bagi kaum yang beriman.”

Adakah golongan Qur’aniyun ini akan menidakkan Firman Allah SWT seperti di atas?

Mahathir’s Cuckoo Administration

...dan gila...
…dan gila…

I was in stitches when I read Mahathir’s latest posting ‘Pentadbiran Kuku Besi‘.  He wrote as if he had never oppress the people during his 22 years as the Premier.  He is fortunate that the Internet was still in its infancy and was only introduced to the masses in the mid 1990s, and Google only came online using its own domain on the 4th September 1998, two days after Anwar Ibrahim was sacked from all government posts as well as from UMNO.  Prior to that Google was hosted under stanford.edu.  Not many of those below the age of 35 could remember the oppression Malaysians were subjected to.

And what has Mahathir written this time?

1. When receiving the membership form to join Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia, some say that they have been threatened by UMNO dan Najib’s government.

2. Various threats were made including not being able to receive BR1M, expulsion from UMNO, removal from Government and government agencies posts, not being given contracts, scholarships would be withdrawn or not given, banks will demand for earlier payments or not give loans.

3. But they prefer to be oppressed knowing, that with their participation in PPBM and vote for it in GE14, the country would enjoy better benefits.

“Rasa Utara” a restaurant chain serving, in my opinion, less-than-delicious food, now has taken up advertising spaces on Mahathir’s blog

4. They say that despite the pressure they would still join PPBM. And they would attempt to get more Bumiputeras including UMNO members to join PPBM.

5. The struggle to them means the willingness to face hurdles. The struggle is meaningless if it is just a walk in the park.

I am quite perplexed by this statement.  Do people who want to join Pribumi actually make prior announcement to UMNO that they would be joining Pribumi?  Or would they just fill in the membership form and submit to Pribumi without bothering to inform UMNO?

As far as my memory serves me, not one person has ever announced his or her joining another political party unless it is arranged by the receiving party for publicity.  And likewise when the situation is reversed.  So, why would there be threats and so on if no one knows of their intention?

Not Being Given BR1M

In my opinion, it is the Pribumis who should not complain about not receiving BR1M.  The reason for this is that according to another Pribumi named Mahathir, the rakyat should not rely too much on handouts from the government. Mahathir also said it would be a big mistake for the government to assume that it would get the support of the BR1M recipients just by giving the the handouts.  Therefore, the Pribumis should not complain to Mahathir about the possibility of being removed from the BR1M recipients list.

In reality, millions of Opposition supporters continue to form lines just to collect BR1M handouts. Students continue to enjoy their scholarships despite going on the street to demonstrate against the oppressive government that continues to give them monthly scholarship money.  And perhaps about 50 percent of civil servants who support the Opposition still continue to go to work and none have lost their job or got demoted for doing so.

And many merit-less Bumiputera contractors still get government contracts despite supporting the Opposition.

Expulsion From UMNO

This is the other reason for me to laugh out loud. If you are already a Pribumi, why bother about being expelled from UMNO?  You cannot have the cake and eat it too!

6. Verily Najib is also desperate to break my spirit. Not only have my police escorts been withdrawn but now even my officers and cooks are being transferred. All my associates are being harrassed and threatened by the Inland Revenue Board especially those who have businesses. If all taxes have been paid there will be additional taxes imposed on them.

For those uninformed, the Office of Tun Dr Mahathir is under the purview of the Prime Minister’s Department.  This means, the administration, staffing, budget and others come under the administration of the Prime Minister’s Department.  In short, the salaries of the staff of the Office of Tun Dr Mahathir come from the Prime Minister’s Department.

Who is the Prime Minister? (CLUE: HE IS NOT A KUTTY)

Antara agensi-agensi di bawah Jabatan Perdana Menteri
Among the agencies under the Prime Minister’s Department (see No.49)

Isn’t it the prerogative of the Prime Minister’s Department to transfer in or out, any personnel from any of the agencies under its purview, also accord, reduce or withdraw any privileges given using the budget of the Prime Minister’s Department?

There is an old adage: don’t bite the hand that feeds you.

Even if there are Mahathir’s associates who are being harrassed by the Inland Revenue Board it could mean that previously they were only paying so much in the form of sales and services tax (SST) when under Mahathir and could no longer under-declare their earnings and have to pay higher taxes under the Goods and Services tax (GST) scheme introduced under Najib.  All those who used to cheat the government and the rakyat of their earnings previously are now caught with their pants down!

7. Proton people are not allowed to speak to me, and my business associates are not allowed to approach Proton. It is Najib’s intention that Proton goes bankrupt and can be sold to foreigners for cheap.

8. My name can no longer be associated with Proton. Proton will be sold 100% to foreigners so the nationa car industry would be decimated. Only imported cars will be allowed to be sold in Malaysia. Nothing that I started will be allowed to exist. Let the local industries fail as long as Najib is satisfied.

Proton.  A company that was set up in 1983 to start the national automobile industry.

After 33 years and 2.8 jmillion cars sold, Proton is still a non-government-linked company that still needs the assistance of the government even with the protectionist policy that the government had set.  For 33 years the government has given Proton RM13.9 billion assistance in the form of grants and forgone taxes just to assist Proton to become independent .  Yet, due to porr management decisions, the sale of Proton-made cars dropped from approximately 215,000 in 2011 to 102,175 in 2015 – an average sale of 8,514 units per month.  At the end of March 2016 Proton still had about 30,000 units of cars lying idle and unsold!

With that, Proton once again asked for assistance from the government led by Najib Razak so that 12,000 Proton employees and 50,000 employees of the various Proton vendor companies do not lose their job.  In your opinion, is it right for the government to use taxpayers’ money (using the favourite Opposition catchphrase) to assist a handicapped company?

Well, in the end Najib Razak’s oppressive government agreed to help Proton for the sake of the 62,000 odd direct and indirect employees by giving a RM1.5 billion soft loan.

And who is the owner amongst owners of this severely handicapped company that has no shame asking for help from Najib Razak’s oppressive government?

Senarai para pemilik Proton Holdings Berhad
List of owners of Proton Holdings Berhad

Which Bangladeshi is that whose name is at the top of the list who said that his name can no longer be associated with Proton but got the RM1.5 billion injection from Najib Razak’s oppressive government?  Does it make sense for the government to pump in more money into Proton just to kill it?  Why bother spend even a single Sen if you do not want it to work out?  And how can he say that Proton people are not allowed to speak to him?  Isn’t he one of the owners?

…and businessmen associated with me can no longer do business with Proton…

By this statement, is this a form of admission that Mahathir has been giving his cronies contracts from Proton?  Does this have any role in making this company severely handicapped?

9. Verily, many Malaysian are afraid of trouncing by Najib’s government. This is Najib’s democracy.

10. I will not give up and I believe Malaysians have the will to topple Najib’s iron fist government. They are not afraid. The more the pressure the more the hatred they have for Najib and his government. All are ashamed of the P.M. who has been accused and believed by the whole world to have siphoned billions of the rakyat’s money.

11. The rakyat and I are aware of the intention of the new security law. It is not about foreign terrorism because we have adequate laws for that. Its intention is to break the struggle against Najib.

12. This law that was never assented to by the Yang DiPertuan Agong and the Malay Rulers  accords Najib the power to declare security areas and with that anyone could be held in detention without trial. This is worse than the ISA.

13. If anyone is killed, be it a member of the security forces or the civilian, there will not be any inquest (a magistrate’s examination into the cause of death) held. And family of the deceased will not be able to bring the matter to the courts to seek justice.

14. Actually laws like this cannot be passed without the signature of the SPB Yang diPertuan Agong. But Najib is not one who cares for the law or its regulations. He is the PM and believes that he has immunity from prosecution. His pet the Attorney-General will make sure of that.

15. These are all signs that there is no more democracy in Malaysia. There is only an iron-fisted rule, a dictatorship.

16. The rakyat will protest the destruction of democracy in this beloved nation through a legal process. InsyaAllah the rakyat’s determination will see to the end of Najib’s wrong-doings.

The National Security Council Act that was recently passed was drafted to enable all assets under the various government agencies to be unified under one command that is the National Security Council. It is not just for use in response to terrorist acts but also in times of disasters.  We have seen how poor the inter-agencies coordination was during the floods of Kelantan, Pahang and Terengganu.  The main reason for this weakness was the absence of a unified command to coordinate efforts using assets of the various government agencies.

The power to declare security areas is not something new.  Under Section 31 of the Police Act, 1967, designated police officers have the power to instruct any person to stay indoors while Section 3(1) Public Order (Preservation) Act, 1958, gives the power to the Minister of Home Affairs to declare whichever area that in the view of the Minister should be declared as a security area.  However, Section 18 of the National Security Council Act, 2016 gives this power to the Prime Minister and no longer the Minister of Home Affairs to declare security areas AS ADVISED BY THE COUNCIL.  This means that the Prime Minister CANNOT declare any security area unilaterally.  Is this not better than ONE person making all the decisions without weighing all the inputs from practitioners who are more well-versed in the matters of national security?

Do not equate the power to declare security areas to the power to declare an emergency which remains the power of the Yang DiPertuan Agong, not the Prime Minister’s, nor is it the power of the National Security Council.

And Mahathir should not pay dumb – he is the person who destroyed democracy; even the powers of the Yang DiPertuan Agong to pass or not a bill of law was removed by him and caused the bills that affect other than the power to declare an emergency, the Institution of the Rulers, the position of the Bumiputera and Bahasa Malaysia, to pass without having been assented by the Yang DiPertuan Agong.

Mahathir should realise, he is living in sunset. Enough of lies.


(This post is a translation of a previous post – Pentadbiran Cuckoo Mahathir)

Apology? Not Accepted

At the Shah Alam Convention Centre today, the Pakatan Rakyat announced its manifesto for the upcoming General Elections that covers the socio-economic as well as political plans should it succeed in wrestling power from the Barisan Nasional. Among the points included inside this manifesto is that “the Federal Government to release and apologize to all ISA (Internal Security Act) detainees from the past to the present.”

This seems to be the thing Lim Guan Eng has been pushing for all this while. First, we need to understand that the ISA was an Act that served its purpose for the time it was appropriate for. It gave the authorities the time needed, or to curb clear and present dangers that threatened the public morale, security and the economy of the country. In short, the ISA was without which would not have allowed us to prosper the way we do now, draconian or not.

Among those detained under the ISA included communist terrorists and their agents, potential terrorists who are only potential terrorists by virtue that they had not managed to blow something up yet when they were nabbed; foreign agents, counterfeiters who would have sabotaged our economy. And most importantly, it was used during the “Ops Lalang” of 1987 in order to diffuse a potentially explosive racial riot where a fair share of people from both the Barisan Nasional and the Opposition got held under that Act, and the nation was once more saved from disaster.

Apologising to former detainees is a form of exoneration from all wrong-doings for the former detainees. Maybe this fits the agenda of allowing communists abroad home, like what the elements in DAP and their stooges inside PKR and PAS have been championing. There must be more than meets the eye here as Chin Peng’s origin is Setiawan, Perak. Anyhow, this is probably the reason some quarters from the Opposition have ben seen frequenting the Peace Villages of Yala. Freeing potential terrorists with known connections would also be detrimental not only to our security, but also to our neighbours’ security. Perhaps, there is a camaraderie between them that terrorist acts will only be conducted abroad. Hey, I’m on a roll here, but I know I am warmer than warm! But face the fact, releasing these people would do more harm than good.

The irony is, the Prime Minister, whoever that would be, will also have to apologise to Tun Dr Mahathir, arch-nemesis of the Prime Minister-designate, or so the latter thinks he would be. Tun Dr Mahathir was once held in detention under the same Act for criticising the government of Tunku Abdul Rahman in his book. Mind you, the Tun was the last person to be held under that Act for political conflict with the government. Lest we forget that the same Prime Minister-designate also had both Ummi Hafilda Ali and Azizan Abu Bakar nabbed under that Act to try get them change their statement concerning an act of sodomy by the Prime Minister-designate. Would the latter apologise to them as well having abused the ISA to serve his political interest?

To sum it all up, this latest manifesto by the Pakatan Rakyat is not a feasible one. In its point on releasing and apologising to ISA detainees and former detainees will do more harm to everyone than good. Having a manifesto is good, but I see a lot of missing points in this new manifesto. For example, the 15 percent oil royalty for Kelantan and Terengganu have not been included, so we know how important the welfare of these two states is to the Pakatan Rakyat, taken or a ride. Or whatever happened to the RM500 assistance to teachers as promised in the infamous Buku Jingga?

In the end, a Pakatan Rakyat manifesto, in my opinion, will remain just another unrealistic and unachievable manifesto like the one issued before the previous general election. Of course, the Pakatan Rakyat already has a script ready for that in case anyone asks…

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