Itu pepatah lama orang-orang kampung. Banyak rungutan telah dapat kita lihat mengenai Menteri Belia dan Sukan yang dikatakan terlalu mentah untuk menjadi seorang menteri. Di antaranya ialah bermain Playstation dalam pejabat tetapi mengabaikan kerjanya.
Semalam Tunku Mahkota Johor (TMJ) telah menegur menteri tersebut agar tidak membodek kerabat diraja Johor dan supaya menyimpan sikap kuat bodek tersebut untuk lain-lain orang.
Teguran tersebut telah dibuat setelah menteri tersebut membuat ucapan tahniah di Twitter di atas hari keputeraan Tunku Temenggong Johor (TTJ). Kenapa beliau buat begitu juga menjadi tanda persoalan kerana TTJ tidak mempunyai akaun Twitter.
Sebagai menteri penuh, cara yang betul ialah beliau menulis ucapan tersebut dalam sepucuk surat yang ditulis dengan bahasa Istana menggunakan letterhead Kementerian Belia dan Sukan.
Setiausaha Sulit Kanan beliau pula perlu menulis sepucuk covering letter kepada Setiausaha Sulit Kanan TTJ dan disertakan surat menteri memohon untuk dipersembahkan kepada TTJ.
Bukannya dengan menggunakan bahasa rojak macam dibuat untuk kawan-kawan di Twitter. Itu namanya kurang adab.
Hasilnya, TMJ kini menuntut peruntukan Kementerian untuk SUKMA yang akan dihoskan oleh negeri Johor, sekali lagi menunjukkan bahawa kita tidak boleh menyuruh budak belum matang untuk membuat kerja orang dewasa.
I blame our history books. In our eagerness to instill the spirit of nationalism, we took an easy way out by saying that we were colonised by the British, when in actual fact the whole of Malaya came under British rule only during the Malayan Union period. Only Melaka, Pulau Pinang, Singapore, and for a while Pangkor and the Dindings were under the direct rule of Britain when they were part of the Strait Settlements. Other than that, the British advisers administered the Malay states through treaties, and the administrators were under the payroll of the respective Sultans or Rajas, not the British.
One of the leading evidence of the sovereignty and independence of the Malay states was a landmark case in England where in 1885 the Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor went to England, and according to the plaintiff of the case, Miss Mighell, took the name Albert Baker and promised to marry her.
It was held by court that the Sultan was entitled to immunity even though up to the time of suit ‘he has perfectly concealed the fact that he is a sovereign, and has acted as a private individual.’ ‘When once there is the authoritative certificate of the Queen (Victoria) through her minister of state as to the status of another sovereign, that in the courts of this country is decisive’.
To an argument that Sultan Abu Bakar had waived this immunity, the court held that the only way that a sovereign could waive immunity was by submitting to jurisdiction in the face of the court as, for example, by appearance to a writ. If the sovereign ignored the issue of the writ, the court was under a duty of its own motion to recognise his immunity from suit.
The roles of the Malay Rulers are somewhat misunderstood. While many often think that the Institution of the Rulers mirror that of the British’s Westminster-style monarchy, it is not. The Rulers ruled this land even when the British were here to administer the land on behalf of The Majesties.
When 31 August 1957 arrived, the powers that the Rulers had invested in the British was duly transferred to a government that was chosen by the people through a process of democracy called Elections. It is untrue that during the British administration of this land, and now, that the Rulers have no other power other than having a say in the matters of the Religion of Islam and the Malay custom.
The Rulers, as keepers of this land, continue to enjoy their position with their income regulated by the respective laws, and receive advice from the Menteris Besar (or in the case of the Yang DiPertuan Agong, the Prime Minister). This is evident in Article 181(1) of the Federal Constitution which states:
“Subject to the provisions of this Constitution,” the “sovereignty, prerogatives, powers and jurisdiction of the Rulers…as hitherto had and enjoyed shall remain unaffected.”
The same was noted by Mark R Gillen of the Faculty of Law, University of Victoria (Gillen 1994:7). In the words of the late Sultan of Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah, former Lord President, it is:
“a mistake to think that the role of a King, like that of a President, is confined to what is laid down by the Constitution, His role far exceeds those constitutional provisions” (Azlan Shah 1986:89)
In other words, the Rulers may be Constitutional Monarchs, but they are not limited to what have been spelt out in the Federal Constitution.
When Syed Saddiq, the runner for Mahathir wrote to the Sultan of Selangor after His Royal Highness expressed great displeasure over Mahathir’s labelling of the Bugis as “pirates who should return to their own land” and pleaded for the Sultan’s support to “fight against corruption and injustice with the people” it shows this great-person-wannabe’s lack of understanding of the position of the Rulers in the Federal Constitution.
The Rulers are apolitical. The Rulers do not take sides, or do not express openly whom they prefer over those they do not. For instance, when the Menteri Besar of Selangor does something that is deemed un-Menteri Besar-like, the most the Sultan would do is to express a reminder for the Menteri Besar to improve his performance so that the lives of the subjects of His Royal Highness are not in any way adversely affected. To encourage certain courses of action is part of the duty of a Sultan, but the Sultan is above politics.
In the words of Sultan Nazrin Muizuddin Shah of Perak in July 2011:
“Rulers must use wisdom to calm situations, but they do not have a ‘magic lamp’ to keep unity, especially when the situation has become chaotic.“
When racial strife hit Malaysia on 13th May 1969, the Sultan of Terengganu as well as other Rulers took steps to protect their non-Malay rakyats (Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, Faculty of Humanities, Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, Kobkua 2011:364). This goes to affirm the special press statement made by the Conference of Rulers in October 2008 explaining that the Institution of Rulers is a “protective umbrella ensuring impartiality among the citizens.”
After 2008, we have witnessed how lawmakers from a certain party have been rude towards the Malay Rulers, forgetting their place in the Federa Constitution. The Rukunegara – means nothing to them: there is no Loyalty to the lawmakers themselves are rarely guided by the belief in God as they lie as if God does not exist, they show no loyalty to King and Country except when they need favours or awards which also means they do not subscribe to the supremacy of the Constitution, they don’t believe in the Rule of Law when it does not work according to their overall game plan, and by being rude to the authorities beginning with the Malay Rulers show that they do not practice courtesy and morality.
And are we surprised that we now have common people threatening the police, council enforcement officers, biting court officers, or show gross disrespect for the authority of the Malay Rulers? They learn such absence of manners from their political idols.
If I were to write a letter to His Royal Highness The Sultan of Selangor, it would be to plead to His Royal Highness to pressure the authorities to hasten their investigation into the seditious nature of Mahathir’s remark.
When PPBM’s Ketua AMANDA Syed Saddiq announced that he was going to hold a press conference to announce about his impending decision whether to further his studies in Masters in Public Policy at the Oxford University, he made it sound so dramatic as if he was going to announce the dissolution of Parliament.
In the end, it was to announce that he won’t be going to Oxford after all as he would rather stay back for the general elections.
Although it was an unnecessary melodrama on his part, it would have been perfect had he stopped there. But being the diva-ish queer that he is, he had to throw in the kitchen sink as well just to justify his story of deciding against going to Oxford.
He added that he was offered RM5 million to leave PPBM and do his Masters in Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government, Oxford University. It was a bribe by someone linked to the BN!
No wonder he was not happy and was crying. The whole Oxford University thing was a bribe for him to leave PPBM. But when he announced his intention to pursue his studies, did he and his parents not feel happy about it? The following photograph shows how happy he was to be bribed!
Something however is amiss in this story. That of the offer letter itself.
The purported letter was sent by the Blavatnik School of Government on 17 May 2017. Syed Saddiq received the letter on 15 June 2017 but was required to reply on 11 May 2017, SIX DAYS BEFORE THE LETTER WAS SENT!
Does the Blavatnik School of Government of Oxford University, a top university for centuries, use the Anwari calendar where January has 50 days?
And why did Syed Saddiq choose 2 October 2017 to announce that he wouldn’t be going to Oxford? Was he really offered to go there? Did the new semester in the UK not commence in the third week of September 2017, 21 September to be exact?
My question to Syed Saddiq is, if someone did offer him a bribe, why hasn’t he lodged a report as required by law? Would he rather be fined RM100,000 or go to jail, or both?
I’m calling your bluff, girl. Go lodge a report now, girl, or remain that dramatic liar you have always been.
Five years from now, Johor will not even be an Umno stronghold if those in control of the party are “beraja di mata, bersultan dihati” even among their fellow Umno people.
Do mark my word on this.
It took merely almost three and a half years before that actually happened following the departure of Jorak assemblyman Datuk Dr Shahruddin Md Salleh from UMNO to join Mahathir’s Pribumi. For the first time in 61 years, the Barisan Nasional/Alliance holds its two-thirds majority in its Peninsular safe deposit, Johor, by a single thread.
Losing two-thirds majority in UMNO’s bastion used to be unthinkable right until the 13th General Elections when the Chinese Tsunami swept many state and parliamentary seats. It lost 12 seats in the last general elections compared to GE12 in 1998, and this time around the biggest gainer was the DAP with nine extra seats. Barisan Nasional ended up initially with 38 out of the 56 seats. With the departure of Jorak, it now holds the two-third majority with the bare minimum number of seats.
Despite the progress and development that are taking place in Johor, Ghani was trounced not because he did not do his job, but because of blatant racial sentiment. As with the previous three general elections, Ghani would not be seen sitting comfortably in his office at least two years prior to the elections. He would be on the ground making sure that the machinery is ready to face the next battle, and there would be elections simulations held at various levels of the state’s BN. Ghani would also make sure that his relationship with the Johor Civil Service (JCS) remain at the highest level.
With Ghani ousted, Khaled wanted to make his own mark as the Menteri Besar. The job as the Menteri Besar of Johor is not exactly an easy one. With a Sultan who can be somewhat overbearing and often puts his hands into the affairs of the state administration, the Menteri Besar would have to know how to manage both the Sultan and the state administration without upsetting either one. Ghani was an old hand at this and knew exactly how to handle the Sultan, having had to also manage the unconventional behaviour of the Almarhum Sultan Iskandar previously. He had a good relationship with both Sultans, knowing when exactly to pull the strings and when to let it slack. Khaled is said to let the Sultan have things his way so much so that even the promotion of JCS officers is left for the Sultan to decide. While Ghani was often seen patting the back of JCS officers for the good job that they do, Khaled lets the Sultan do the Menteri Besar’s job for him. While the Sultan might like it, this doesn’t augur well for the state Barisan Nasional. Any administration would want to have some form of control over its civil service and a good rapport to go with.
The number of gatekeepers one needs to go through to get to Khaled is another common complaint by the common people. Journalists covering Khaled also complain that at almost every event, Khaled is being surrounded by his posse of young lieutenants, even to the extent of having the nearest table to the VIP table occupied solely by this group of people. This makes Khaled look like the overgrown hipster. It only makes the Menteri Besar less approachable even to the Ketua Bahagians. It is said that he was advised by UMNO veterans to go down and meet the grassroot leaders. His response was, “Aku tak kenal orang Johor (I don’t know the Johor leaders).”
It is already less than two years to the next general elections. Unlike Ghani before him, Khaled is still mostly seen in Johor Bahru. Ghani and his executive councillors would have been scouring the state to see what else that have been missed. Speaking to a Puteri UMNO division head recently she expressed her worry that none of the division heads have actually begun to activate their election machineries in a concerted manner. This particular Puteri UMNO head has had to conduct her own voters and membership registration drive; an effort which is puny compared to the ones that have and are being done by the DAP in Johor alone. If you were to ask the UMNO division chiefs in Johor, they would tell you that all is rosy, and that is until you speak to them on a one-on-one basis. However, Khaled has told reporters that the Johor Barisan Nasional still holds a comfortable majority despite it being razor thin after the departure of Jorak. To the UMNO grassroots, Khaled’s confidence is extremely worrying.
It is no secret that the DAP will be working with Pribumi to wrestle control of Johor from the Barisan Nasional come GE14. It is hardly an impossible task too! Muhyiddin might be a figure to be reckoned with both in Pagoh and Muar, but outside those two areas, he is still remembered as the person who sold Johor Malays’ rights to the Chinese. Mahathir knows this very well as he was the one who rescued Muhyiddin when the latter became a persona non grata in Johor in the early 1990s. Mahathir knows that Muhyiddin carries a lot of baggage with him and would not be the correct person to lead the country if the Opposition wins. There is already an attempt to kill Muhyiddin politically. You hardly hear of any statement being made by Muhyiddin while Mukhriz is seen going around in Johor conducting membership registration drives. No clues needed for the question on who is Mahathir’s choice for PM.
DAP on the other hand, wants to conquer the western Johor belt, where there is a significant number of Chinese population as compared to the eastern belt. During a dinner at the Landmark Hotel with Batu Pahat DAP members, DAP’s MP for Kluang Liew Chin Tong and ADUN for Senai Wong Shu Qi related the plan to wrestle Parit Sulong, Pulai and Pasir Gudang. With Batu Pahat already in PKR’s hands, all that is needed is for Muar to fall, and it is most likely that Muhyiddin would contest there, if not the often-clueless Syed Saddiq, a Muarian himself.
Even Azmin Ali does not want to be left out by the Mahathir and Pribumi bandwagon. He was seen recently in Muar together with Mahathir at a Pribumi event. It is no secret that he is heading the drive for PKR to work together with Mahathir – a sentiment not shared by the pro-Wan Azizah camp that includes Wan Azizah loyalists Rafizi Ramli and Wong Chen. There is even talk that Azmin might work towards dissolving PKR and jump en masse into Pribumi. While that is not totally impossible, the departure of Ezam from UMNO to Pribumi has certainly strengthen that theory.
The Johor conundrum is something that the Barisan Nasional (read UMNO) cannot take lightly if it were to gain more seats in the next general elections. If Khaled is not moving, then someone should take the lead and face the Opposition head on. There are two FELDA regions that need to be handled with care. Khaled should realise that there is more to Johor than just Johor Bahru. He has to go down on the ground and get the feel himself instead of relying on reports from the UMNO divisions and the various sugar-coated reports from agencies. If you do not know the terrain and its people, you will lose the war. Don’t be like Hamid Karzai who was dubbed the ‘Mayor of Kabul‘ despite being the President of Afghanistan!
And in the words of Life of Annie opus citatum:
If this is how Khaled’s people want to behave, then I dare say that he will be just a one term MB and Johor will fall five years from now.
When the Save Malaysia declaration was announced on 4th March 2016, the intention was to garner the support of 100,000 Malaysians. It hardly gained any traction. Then the organisers, in an apparent battle for perception, announced that they would go for a million signatures instead.
The funny thing is, in the 69 days of collecting signatures of those who want Najib Razak to step down, they only managed to garner the support of 500,000 people. That translates into 7,246 signatures per day. This was announced by Kamaruddin Jaafar who himself admitted that the petition had missed its deadline. When asked if it would be presented to the Rulers Institution, he equivocated.
Two days later, Quisling-reincarnate Muhyiddin Yassin congratulated the 1.2 million who signed the petition. That is an increase by 700,000 signatures or 350,000 signatures per day!
So who is lying?
You can get 50 million people to sign if you want but it means shit constitutionally. The Yang DiPertuan Agong does not have the power to dismiss the Prime Minister. His Majesty can only appoint a member of Parliament whom His Majesty thinks has the most support in the August House. The only ways to dismiss the Prime Minister through democratic means are for him to lose the election, or for him to lose the support of the Barisan Nasional MPs.
Mahathir knows this hence his drive to oust Najib is a mere drama he’s known to play time and time again. But do his delirious and delusional young apprentices know? Maybe they do, maybe they don’t.
Looking at the HDR pic above of Mahathir hugging and being hugged by his fellow deceivers why they all cried, I can only deduce two things:
The two deceivers were crying because they knew they were lying to the old man, and,
The old man is crying just to put on a show to deceive his fellow deceivers into thinking that a change of government could soon happen using the 1.2 million signatures.
These crocodile tears shed by Mahathir and his cohorts are nothing new. They are seasoned politicians.
So, don’t be fooled by these actors. They use crocodile tears to rile up the sentiments of the public and feed us with blatant lies and take us on a delusional path, constantly recycling old issues even though they have been addressed.