The Malaysian Concord (Part 3) – The Malay and Bumiputera Special Rights

Recent protest against ICERD – Bernama

One of the functions and roles of the Malay Rulers is to safeguard the interests of the Malay and Bumiputera communities enshrined in the Federal Constitution.  That is what HRH The Sultan of Selangor did when he voiced out against ICERD and liberalism.

In the previous posts (The Malaysian Concord (Part 1) – The Sanctity of Islam and The Malaysian Concord (Part 2) – The National Language) I have shown you why Islam was made the religion of the Federation, and why the Malay language was made into the National Language.  I also explained why the Reid Commission was just a commission and not a party to the discussions and negotiations to the independence of Malaya and whatever put forth by the commission were recommendations for the Constitution, not the hard-and-fast rule.

The Malay precedence had always been the mantle of the British Residents.  Frank Athelstane Swettenham, the first Resident-General of the Federated Malay States, saw himself as the patron to an heir (the Malays) who was in danger of losing his inheritance to the immigrant Chinese and Tamils.  He wrote:

“The position he occupies in the body politic is that of the heir to the inheritance. The land is Malaya and he is the Malay. Let the infidel Chinese and evil-smelling Hindu from southern India toil, but of their work let some profit come to him.” (Sir Frank Swettenham, The Real Malay (London, 1899): pp. 37-40)

The economic situation of the Malays, pushed to the hinterland by the immigrants, became dire that they had to take loans from the chettiars putting their land as collateral.  When even the interest could not be serviced, these lands were taken into possession by the moneylenders.

The Federated Malay States government intervened and introduced a series of legislations to curb the Chettiars’ operations, one of which was the Malay Reservations Enactment, 1913, which objective was “to provide means for preventing the passing of Malay landholdings into the possession of foreigners”(Frederick Belfield, Legal Adviser, FMS, Report for the Secretary of State on the FMS Enactment 15 of 1913).

In 1910, E.W Birch, the 8thResident of Perak, noted the need for such Enactment:

“It will mean that we shall free our peasantry from the clutches of those people who now remit to India the large sums of which they now bleed the people.”(Hastings Rhodes, Objects and Reasons, Malay Reservations Enactment of 1913, quoting a Minute by E.W Birch dated 7 September 1910; in Selangor Secretariat, File 3013/1912, Conf. File 10/1912).

Two constitutional changes were introduced in 1909, the establishment of a Federal Council, and the enactment to change the title Resident-Generalin the FMS to that of Chief Secretary.

The Governor responsible for these introductions, Sir John Anderson, said that the intention of these changes, in his words, was for“the full safeguarding of Malay interests.” (Proceedings of the Federal Council, FMS, 11 December 1909).

Sir Laurence Guillemard, High Commissioner for the Federated Malay States wrote:

“The moral is clear that real danger lies ahead if the Malays do not get their share of the benefit of the development of their own country.”(C.O 273, Vol 539, Laurence Guillemard to Secretary of State, 3 May 1927).

To put things in perspective, not only were the Malays left out economically, they were also already minorities in the Federated Malay States.  According to the census of 1931, the population of the FMS comprised of a Chinese majority (41.5 percent), followed by Malays (34.7 percent), Indians (22.2 percent) while various other ethnic groups made up the remaining 1.6 percent (Loh Fook Seng, Malay Precendence and the Federal Formula in the Federated Malay States, 1909 to 1939, JMBRAS, Vol 45, 1972: p.48).

When the discussions for the independence of Malaya took place, the MCA which represented the interests of the Chinese community in Malaya, agreed for the continuation of Malay special privileges that was already being enjoyed by the Malays under the Federation of Malaya Agreement of 1948 (Straits Times, 28 August 1956).

Even on the issue of making Mandarin a national language at par with Bahasa Melayu, the MCA Central Committee which debated the Alliance memorandum to the Reid Commission put the issue to a vote: 15 votes were against the recommendation that Mandarin be recognised as an official language, 14 voted for, 31 abstained (Straits Times, 28 August 1956).

Reid Commission was required by its terms of reference to “safeguard the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of the other communities” (CO 889/6, C.C. 2000/15, Summary record of Commission’s meeting, 27 August 1956).

The Constitutional Bill was then debated in the England’s House of Commons.  Three amendments to the Bill was sought.  The third proposed amendment pushed by Conservative MP Joan Vickers (Devonport) noted that the 15-year limit for Malay special rights recommended in the Reid Report was omitted from the Bill.

However, the majority felt that any eleventh-hour amendment could upset the political compromises embodied in the Constitution (Commons Debates, 19 July 1957, pp. 1590-1591).  The Secretary of State concluded that any accepting of proposed amendments would result in the reopening of all issues on which agreement had already been reached (Ibid., pp. 1592-1594).  Therefore, all the proposed amendments were rejected and the Federal Constitution of Malaya, as part of the Malayan Independence Bill, was adopted unchanged.

These special rights were then extended to the Bumiputeras of Sabah and Sarawak through Paragraph 62 of the Malaysia Agreement, 9 July 1963, pages 43 and 44. But this did not come easy.  Many non-Bumiputera groups were opposed to the idea of according the natives of Sarawak with special rights.

A group from the Sarawak United People’s Party led by Ong Kee Hui had a contempt for the backwardness of the natives and had regarded their leaders as men of no consequences.  This prompted the SUPP’s leader in Sibu Jonathan Bangau, an Iban, to resign.

The Ibans, however, told the Cobbold Commission that they were all for Malaysia and some even emphasised on the need for a speedy arrival of better education and development for the Iban community.  In North Borneo, the only negative views were given by the British officials and expatriates as well as the rich (non-Bumiputera) local businessmen.

Both Donald Stephens (Chairman of the Committee of the North Borneo Alliance) and Stephen Kalong Ningkan (Secretary-General of the Sarawak Alliance) both accepted the Inter-Governmental Committee report.  Sarawak Council Negri voted unanimously to adopt the report on 8 March 1963, while the North Borneo Legislative Council unanimously adopted the report on 13 March 1963.

The special rights of the Malays and the Bumiputeras are there to protect their interests so that they do not get swallowed whole in their own land.  The Fijians learnt this the hard way when the Indo-Fijian (Indian descent) minority which numbered less than 40 percent of the population, dominated everything from government to economy, leaving the ethnic Fijians on the sideline.

If the rights of the Malays and the Bumiputeras that was agreed upon by our forefathers are now being questioned, should they now not ask for a better position for themselves? Perhaps a 70-percent equity and quota in everything from now on, or something even better?

(This article was first published on The Mole)

The Malaysian Concord (Part 2) – The National Language

IN part one (The Malaysian concord (Part 1) – the sanctity of Islam), I wrote about HRH The Sultan of Selangor’s displeasure of the challenge by a certain group against the sanctity of Islam, the National Language, the special rights of the Bumiputera, as well as the function and position of the Malay Rulers that are enshrined in the Federal Constitution.

I read the comments on the issue at the online page of a mainstream newspaper.  What I saw was blatant ignorance on the part of the readers. This ignorance, if gone unchecked, will be dangerous to the future of this nation.

Many commentators mentioned that the Reid Commission had recommended for certain special privileges to be reviewed after 15 years, but was never done.  

I need to put this record straight. In many of my writings, I mentioned that those party to the agreement of the independence of Malaya were the British government, the Malay Rulers, and the Alliance party as the government of the day.

Lord William Reid was tasked to form an independent commission to draft the new constitution for a post-independence Malaya.  

The idea to have an independent, non-Malayan constitutional commission came from Tunku Abdul Rahman himself.

The Malay Rulers were for a commission that consist of local politicians, lawyers and other professionals, just as India and Burma (later Myanmar) had. Ghana, Pakistan and Ceylon (later Sri Lanka) opted for a mix of local and foreign constitutional experts.

Tunku felt that it was important to have a non-Malayan independent commission to draft the Malayan post-independence Constitution as it would be able to avoid local prejudices and perform its task with complete impartiality (PH/A/008/4, MCA Files, Memorandum by Tunku Abdul Rahman, 1 March 1955).

This he intimated to Sir Donald Charles MacGillivray, the last British High Commissioner in Malaya, and told the latter before leaving for the January 1956 Independence Conference in London that the commission should consist of legal experts with sufficient knowledge of constitutional developments in the Commonwealth (CO1030/132(3) MacGillivray to A.M. MacKintosh, Head of the Southeast Asia Department of the Colonial Office, 5 January 1956).

So again, I would like to reiterate that the function of the Reid Commission was only to draft the Constitution with input from all those party to the independence agreement, and make recommendations to those parties.  

The Commission itself was never a party to the discussion, let alone of the agreement.

Going back to the issue of the national language, it was in the Alliance’s manifesto for the 1955 federal elections to have a national language to foster a common nationhood, with plans to upgrade the Malay language as the national language.  

As safeguarding the interests and rights of the Malay and Chinese communities being the key features of its manifesto, protection for the languages of the other communities as well as their growth and development was also guaranteed.

The earlier version of the Alliance’s memorandum to the Reid Commission did state a 15-year time frame for the special position of the Malays and Malay as the national language.  

However, in view of the radicals in both Umno and MCA at the time where the former questioned the principle of jus soli while the latter questioned the need for Malay special rights and a national language, an inter-communal constitutional bargain was made and was conveyed to the Reid Commission orally that the time-frame be omitted (PH/A/008/4, Memorandum by Tunku Abdul Rahman, 1 March 1955).

This was the version that was accepted not just by those within the Alliance, but also by the Malay Rulers as well as the British government.

Five years later, this same subject was brought forth to all who would be affected by the formation of the Federation of Malaysia.

The Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee chaired by North Borneo’s Donald Stephens in its memorandum stated the it accepted the view that the Federation of Malaysia should have a national language and placed no objection to the adoption of the National Language of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore and Brunei which is also the lingua franca of the region (Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee Memorandum, 3 February 1962: pp. 122).

Even the Cobbold Commission, a Commission of Enquiry set up to gauge the support of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak for the creation of the Federation of Malaysia noted in its report that its Chairman (Lord Cameron Fromanteel Cobbold) felt in view that Malay is the closest to a lingua franca in Borneo than any other language, no derogation from the Federal provision was necessary (Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak, 21 June 1962: pp. 54).

The Inter-Governmental Committee (a committee that consists of the Federation of Malaya, and Great Britain – looking after the interests of its colonies of North Borneo and Sarawak)  reported that Malay should be the language of the Federation of Malaysia, but Article 152 of the proposed Federal Constitution (based on the Federal Constitution of Malaya) be modified in its application to the Borneo states so as to secure that the English language may be used in an official capacity for a period of ten years after Malaysia Day (Malaysia Report of the Inter-Governmental Committee, 1962: pp. 26).

A national language is an important tool for creating “national” consciousness.  

Hindi is the national language of India, as Mandarin, Thai and Bahasa Indonesia are respectively in the China, Thailand and Indonesia.  

It is difficult to understand why, after 61 years, are we still having this argument about what the national language should be.

What kind of national identity are we to have when we cannot even communicate with each other in one common language?

(This article was first published in The Mole)

The Malaysian Concord (Part 1) – The Sanctity of Islam

Islam is the religion of the Federation of Malaysia as enshrined in its Constitution after being agreed upon by all those party to her establishment (Photo credit: Azirull Amin Aripin/Getty Images)

HRH Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah is known to be a private person and rarely voices out.  The only times that he would voice out is when matters pertaining to the Constitution is touched upon, and yesterday was one of those times.

He said that the act of a certain group questioning the sanctity of Islam, the special rights of the Bumiputeras, the national language, and the function and position of the Malay Rulers enshrined in the Federal Constitution need to be immediately addressed and curbed.

I have come across such people, and unfortunately, many are young Malays.  They do not seem to understand that the social contract made between the various races of Malaya prior to 31stAugust, 1957 and Malaysia prior to 9thJuly 1963 are now part of the Federal Constitution.

Nor do they know the parties who signed both agreements for the independence of Malaya, and the formation of Malaysia, and understand why those agreements were made.  I put a partial blame on the education system where we were taught that we were all colonised by Britain when that is not true, except during the Malayan Union period.

Although Islam had been preached in the Malay Archipelago, Indo-China and China as early as the seventh century, it is largely held that Islam arrived in the Malay peninsula in the 12thcentury.  Syariah laws such as the Batu Bersurat of Terengganu, Hukum Kanun Melaka, Undang-Undang 99 Perak became the laws of the land.

In 1908, Richard James Wilkinson, a British colonial administrator who, with the backing of Sultan Idris I, was responsible for the establishment of the Malay College in Kuala Kangsar, and who was also a scholar of Malay and history, wrote on the status of Islamic law in the Malay states:

There can no doubt that Moslem law would have ended up becoming the law of Malaya had not British law stepped in to check it.” (William R. Roff, Patterns of Islamization in Malaysia, 1890s-1990s: Exemplars, Institutions and Vectors, Journal of Islamic Studies Vol. 9, Is. 2 (1998), 210-228, at 211).

This was reinforced by two British judges in the landmark case of Ramah binti Ta’at v Laton binti Malim Sutan 6 FMSLR (1927).

It is due to these facts that the sanctity of Islam was retained in the Federation of Malaya Agreement of 1948, and was introduced into the Federation of Malaya Constitution of 1957.

The English law was only introduced to Pulau Pinang as it was the original British colony.  It was on 25thMarch, 1807 that a Charter of Justice was granted by the Crown establishing a Court of Judicature in Pulau Pinang, with jurisdiction and powers of the Superior Courts in England. This was then introduced to Melaka and Singapore when they became part of the Straits Settlements under British rule.

Only with the arrival of the British residents in the Malay states in the last quarter of the 19thcentury was the English law introduced there in the form of Orders, Regulations and Ordnances, save for the laws and regulations affecting the Malay customs and the administration of Islam.  These laws provided for the administration of justice, the law of contract, sale of goods, bills of exchange, company law, criminal law and procedure, the law of evidence, land law, labour law, and the regulation of many matters of public interest.

The Civil Law Enactment, 1937 (No.3 of 1937, FMS) introduced the whole body of the common law of England and of equity of minor modifications.  It provided always that the common law and rules of equity are “subject to such qualifications as local circumstances render necessary”.  Local laws and custom were made applicable.

Islam was made the religion of the Federation of Malaya.  Although Lord Reid felt it was unnecessary to have such a provision as the Sultans would be the Head of Islam in their states, it was added to the draft of the Federal Constitution at the suggestion of Justice Hakim Halim bin Abdul Hamid of Pakistan, who was a member of the Reid Commission, because he said the suggestion by the Alliance party that represented the people of Malaya to have that proviso added was inoccuous.

Sir Donald Charles MacGillivray personally felt that such a provision would be advantageous because the Yang DiPertuan Agong could at the same time become the head of the faith in the Settlements of Penang and Malacca (CO 1030/524 (10), MacGillivray to Secretary of State, 25 February 1957; See also CO 1030/524 (18), MacGillivray to Secretary of State, 21 March 1957).

This accord was reached between those who were party to the discussion – the Malay Rulers, the British who administered the Rulers’ sovereign states on their behalf, and the multiracial government chosen by the people in 1955 to represent them.

There is even a separation of jurisdiction when it comes to the position of Islam in the Federal Constitution.

The Syariah Law comes under the purview of the respective Rulers, and the Attorney-General of Malaysia, under Article 145(3) does not have the jurisdiction over proceedings before a Syariah court, a native court of a court-martial.

This separation of jurisdiction is also present as provided by Article 121(1A) where both the High Court of Malaya and High Court of Sabah and Sarawak do not have any jurisdiction over Syariah matters.  Therefore, any claim that the Syariah law infringes on the rights of the non-Muslims is fallacious.

The Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee chaired by North Borneo’s (later Sabah) Donald Stephens (later Tun Fuad Stephens) stated in its memorandum dated 3rdSeptember 1962 that the acceptance of Islam as the religion of the to-be-formed Federation of Malaysia would not endanger religious freedom within Malaysia nor will it make the country less secular (Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee Memorandum on Malaysia, 3 Sep 1962, p.p 120).

And that is how Islam became the religion of Malaysia.

(This article was first published by The Mole)

Beautiful Malaysia

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Char Kuay in the morning brings people together to the table

Malaysia turned 55 last weekend.  Although the electronic and social media platforms are filled with rancorous exchanges, the general population is nice to each other, no matter the political leaning.

We come from a somewhat mixed family. My father was attended to by an Amahwhen he was little.  His eldest sister married a wonderful Chinese man whose last words were, “Tell the world that I lived and died as a Muslim.” Two Chinese and an Indian were married into my family.

Slightly more than four decades ago I went to a Chinese kindergarten somewhere in Melaka.  It was just a couple of years after 13 May 1969 but the relationship between races then was good, or so it seemed to this little boy then.  Although I cannot recall any of my schoolmates’ name, we played together.  Almost every evening my father would take me to Uncle Ah Boon’s house where I would converse with them in beginner’s Mandarin before stopping for some Putu Piring at the foot of Bukit Peringgit.

I went to the St John’s Primary School on Jalan Bukit Nanas and had great classmates such as Yong Choon Wah, Chow Kah Sung, Michael Foo.  While waiting for the bus to go home, Choon Wah and I and a few others would go up and down the escalators at the neighbouring AIA building where an A&W outlet was once located until the Sikh jaganabbed us and threatened to send us to the police station. Not once did my friends and I see each other, other than as fellow Malaysians.

That jagabecame famous on 4 August 1975 when he was shot beneath the eye by a Japanese Red Army terrorist who had taken 35 people there as hostages.  His name was Sukdave Singh.

My favourite Nasi Lemak from then till now is the Nasi Lemak Tanglin.  I often jogged to where it was located, a small stall in front of a Chinese kopitiam and a plate of Nasi Lemak accompanied by the kopitiam’s glass of Sirap Ais and Lengkung were the highlight of my week, almost every week.

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Not Nasi Lemak Tanglin. This was at the kampung kopitiam, downed with a cup of Kopi Cap Rambutan

A few years later when I was at The Malay College, I realised that 80 percent of the teachers there then were Chinese.  Ask any MCKK alumni who went there between 1972 to 2005 and they can tell you that the Additional Mathematics guru then was Mr Tan Gim Hoe.  Every one of his students would remember his famous “Tatapa. Tatapa” (Tak Apa, Tak Apa) as he tries his best to make you understand his lesson.  He even wrote the Additional Mathematics textbook! MCKK was Mr Tan’s first and only posting, and in the 33 years and 10 months that he was there he helped produce brilliant Malay students such as the former Khazanah head Tan Sri Azman Mokhtar.  I used to meet Mr Tan in town every Saturday for Add Maths tuition when I was in Form 4.  While some of the boys would be upstairs at Kuala Kangsar’s famous Yut Loy restaurant for a quick smoke, I would be with my Pau Daging, Add Maths books and Mr Tan.

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Mr Tan Gim Hoe taught at The Malay College for three decades until his retirement, and nowhere else

Unlike back in the 1970s, we hardly see Malays and Chinese dine together these days.  Not only do we look at each other with contempt, we also now question each other’s rights that are enshrined in the Federal Constitution. I blame the education system – the Arabisation of the National Schools, and the existence of vernacular schools. Children who do not grow up together will never learn about each other.

Just when everything seems bleak, my wife and I made a road trip along the coastal road in Selangor to attend a wedding in Sabak Bernam.  We stopped for breakfast at a nice kopitiam in Kuala Selangor.  For tea, we crossed into lower Perak where we found a kampung sundry shop that doubles as a kopitiam that has a mix of Malay and Indian clientele.

Michael, the second-generation proprietor, spoke to us in lower Perak Malay accent.  He told us that the suppliers of the Nasi Lemak, noodles and kuih are local Malays.  “It is the way of life here. We live in our community where we don’t see each other as Malay, Chinese or Indian,” he stressed. Prosper thy neighbouris his motto.

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Pulut Sambal, made by the kampung Malays, sold at this Chinese kopitiam

“Come back tomorrow morning for some Char Kuay,” he said before we left. “I’ll make them fresh for you.”  And we did! Michael and his son CJ served us one of the best Char Kuay ever, complemented by his homemade Seri Kaya.  But it was not just the food and kampung coffee that had us in awe, it was how Michael and his clients enjoy their banter.

It was there and then that I was transported back to the 1970s, where Malaysians eat and drink and joke together, without a hint of any political divide.

And that made it the most beautiful Malaysia Day ever.

Lest We Forget The Alliance

I don’t know what prompted the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) to go it all alone in the recent Balakong by-election.

Perhaps, it did not want to be seen as an Umno lackey as it had always been labelled as. But this was the first time that it had contested under its own party logo since the first general election in 1955.

As we can now see, there is a general lethargy among the masses in respect of politics.

We have had three by-elections since the downfall of the Barisan Nasional government and the turnout during the by-elections have been rather poor.

On the 87th day, the Sungai Kandis by-election saw a drop of 18,476 voters compared to the numbers during the 14th general election.

Umno had initially wanted to contest using its own logo but changed its mind. Under the BN banner, the Barisan Nasional saw an 11.49 percent swing compared to 5.84 percent for Pakatan Harapan.

Umno was helped by Parti Islam Se Malaysia (Pas) although the latter still showed a certain amount of distrust towards the former.

There was very little or no involvement at all by MCA and MIC. The majority was reduced by 5,842 compared to 12,480 on May 9.

In the Seri Setia by-election which was held 22 days after Pakatan Harapan’s failure to fulfil its election manifesto promises, Pas saw a 31.01 percent swing for the party, helped by the fact that BN did not contest but assisted Pas during the campaign period.

Pakatan saw a swing 8.02 percent votes against it. The majority was reduced to 4,027 compared to 19,372 during the 14th general election.

MCA, which contested under its own banner against Pakatan, saw a swing of 4.11 percent for it compared to Pakatan’s 7.46 percent.

This means that even with a very much reduced turnout (49.16 percent of the total turnout during the 14th general election), MCA had failed to make a significant impact on the voters.

The philosopher, Jorge Agustín Nicolás Ruiz de Santayana y Borrás or George Santayana, once said that those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it.  In this case, the MCA had forgotten its own history.

Before the independence of Malaya, both the MCA and Umno were political enemies.  There was already a feeling of discontent among the Malays in the pre-war period over their poor economic position vis-à-vis the Chinese and Indians.

Professors T.H Silcock and Ungku Aziz noted in 1950 that the Malay peasants and fishermen were dependent on Chinese middlemen while Malays worked as messengers in offices where Chinese and Indians were clerks.

However, Umno knew that in order to achieve independence, a long-lasting relationship with other races needed to be forged. It was during the Umno general assembly of 1949 that Onn Jaafar said,

“It is absolutely important for the Malays to obtain closer ties with the other people in this country.  It is time for us to take the wider view than the kampung view. I ask of you, which will you choose, peace or chaos, friendship or enmity?”

Although the grassroots of Umno was against Onn Jaafar’s idea that led him to leave the party two years later, it opened up a door for both the MCA Selangor Branch and Kuala Lumpur Umno branch to work together in the Federation’s first local elections.

Both Umno and MCA competed against each other and against other parties in Pulau Pinang in December 1951.

MCA had only managed to obtain the support from the Chinese while Umno the Malays. It was Datuk Yahya Abdul Razak from the Kuala Lumpur Umno branch who approached Selangor MCA branch chairman, H.S Lee to discuss the possibility of a cooperation of the two parties.

In January 1952, both branches of the two parties announced that they were jointly-contesting the Kuala Lumpur elections.

The Umno-MCA alliance won 10,340 votes while Onn Jaafar’s IMP won 6,641 votes. MIC joined the alliance in 1954.

This alliance went on to win all but one seats in the 1955 general election.  The rest is history.

In the past, MCA relied on the English-speaking, urban-dwelling portion of the Chinese community who make up about 10 percent of the seven million Chinese people in this country.

That 10 percent is now drowned in smugness and disconnect as they now have the DAP to represent them in the Pakatan Harapan government despite how telling it is that the Pakatan Harapan government is not really interested in reforms.

MCA now needs to go down to the rural ground to try and win the voters back.

There is no way that the MCA can do this all alone by itself. It still needs Umno, MIC and even Pas to help it make a breakthrough.

This can only come about with a rebranding of the approach, and the fight for a common good, with the protection for all races remaining intact.

(This article first appeared on The Mole)

Beban Politik Harus Disingkirkan

darth madey

Satu minggu yang cukup menarik. Pembubaran parlimen yang begitu dinantikan telahpun berlaku. Pengumuman oleh SPR mengenai hari pengundian yang jatuh pada hari Rabu telah menyebabkan orang ramai tidak berpuas hati. Ini adalah kali ke-6 sejak kemerdekaan, yang menyaksikan pembuangan undi dibuat pada hari bekerja. 6 dari keseluruhan 14 pilihanraya umum Malaysia. Dan separuh darinya terjadi ketika Mahathir mentadbir Malaysia.

Ramai yang melenting kerana mereka hampir mustahil dapat pulang ke kawasan pengundian dan kembali ke tempat bermastautin selepas mengundi. Mereka kononnya dinafikan keadilan tanpa menyedari mereka sendiri berlaku tidak adil kepada penduduk kampung halaman mereka yang perlu mengadap wakil rakyat yang diundi mereka selama 5 tahun yang mungkin lebih teruk dari wakil rakyat sebelumnya.

Jika tidak mahu pulang mengundi, tukarlah alamat mengundi ke alamat bermastautin.

Lebih menarik, baru-baru di dalam satu penulisan di laman Facebook, DYAM Tunku Mahkota Johor telah menyeru kepada rakyat Johor untuk menolak parti atau pakatan yang akan memberikan kemenangan kepada Mahathir. Rakyat yang membaca terus menghamburkan kemarahan. Sebelum ini, apabila Tunku Mahkota Johor atau lebih dikenali sebagai TMJ mengkritik kerajaan, rakyat, termasuk mereka yang tidak mempercayai institusi beraja dengan akan pantas menulis ‘Daulat Tuanku’. Kini khalayak yang sama menyerang TMJ.

Saya kurang gemar  sekiranya seorang ahli kerabat diraja mengeluarkan kenyataan sedemikian kerana saya percaya, sungguhpun mereka mempunyai pandangan tersendiri, mereka perlu kekal tidak berpihak. Namun, ungkapan terkenal dari Walter Bagehot bermain di fikiran saya:

Raja mempunyai 3 hak: Hak untuk berbincang, hak untuk memberi galakan dan hak untuk memberi amaran

Ini diakui oleh Mark R Gillen dari Fakulti Undang-Undang, University of Victoria (Gillen 1994:7) Almarhum Sultan Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah yang juga mantan Ketua Hakim Negara pernah bertitah:

Adalah menjadi satu kesilapan jika peranan seorang Sultan, seperti seorang Presiden, adalah terhad sepertimana yang telah diperuntukan oleh Perlembagaan. Peranan seorang Sultan jauh melangkaui peruntukan Perlembagaan” (Azlan Shah 1986:89).

Maka, adalah hak TMJ untuk memberikan amaran kepada rakyat Johor mengenai apa yang baginda fikirkan sebagai berbahaya untuk rakyat baginda, dan demi perpaduan negeri baginda.

Jika Barisan ingin mengambil kesempatan untuk isu ini, saya fikir waktunya tidak kena kerana ia dilakukan terlalu awal, ketika negara baru hendak ‘memanaskan badan’ untuk menghadapi pilihanraya. Anda kini dapat melihat mesej-mesej yang disebarkan di dalam WhatsApp yang bukan sahaja menyerang Sultan Johor sekarang, tetapi juga menyerang Sultan sebelum ini, iaitu nenda kepada TMJ. Mahathir juga cepat mengeluarkan kenyataan, dengan berkata tulisan Pakatan itu hanya memberikan keuntungan kepada Pakatan.

Mungkin itu yang beliau fikirkan.

Perseteruan Mahathir dan Istana Johor berlaku dari sebelum Syed Saddiq dilahirkan lagi. Dua tahun selepas menjadi Perdana Menteri, Mahathir cuba mendapatkan persetujuan Almarhum Sultan Perak, Sultan Idris Shah untuk naik takhta sebagai Yang Dipertuan Agong ke-8 kerana Sultan Pahang bakal menamatkan tempoh perkhidmatan pada tahun 1984. Ianya berjalan serentak dengan kempen memburukan Sultan Johor, dalam cubaan untuk mendapatkan sokongan ramai.

Hubungan Mahathir dan Sultan Johor begitu teruk sehingga beberapa pegawai kanan tentera merancang satu rampasan kuasa pada tahun 1983. Panglima Tentera Darat ketika itu, Jeneral Tan Sri Dato’ Zain Hashim, seorang pegawai tentera yang amat cemerlang, terpaksa bersara pada usia yang masih muda, iaitu 52 tahun, pada Januari 1984 dan digantikan oleh Jeneral Tan Sri Dato’ Mohd Ghazali Bin Haji Che Mat. Jeneral Ghazali hanya berkhidmat sebagai PTD selama setahun sebelum dilantik sebagai Panglima Angkatan Tentera. Jeneral Ghazali telah diganti oleh Jeneral Tan Sri Dato’ Seri Mohamed Hashim Mohd Ali sebagai Panglima Tentera Darat, adik ipar Mahathir. Tentera Darat kini diperintah oleh seseorang yang setia dengan Mahathir. Jeneral Hashim kemudian menjawat jawatan Panglima Angkatan Tentera. Maka, berakhirlah segala ketidak-setiaan Angkatan Tentera Malaysia terhadap Mahathir.

Saya mengetahui butiran rancangan rampasan kuasa tersebut tetapi diminta untuk merahsiakannya.

Tidak, ini tidak menunjukkan Tentera hanya perlu setia kepada Raja-Raja Melayu, sebaliknya tentera juga perlu setia kepada kerajaan Yang Dipertuan Agong kerana menurut Artikel 39 Perlembagaan Persekutuan menteri kabinet adalah mewakili Yang Dipertuan Agong dan diberikan kuasa eksekutif untuk mentadbir negara bagi pihak Yang Dipertuan Agong. Maka, kesetian perlu diberikan oleh Angkatan Tentera Malaysia untuk Perdana Menteri dan kabinet beliau.

Segala perbuatan dan cubaan Mahathir keatas keluarga diraja Johor telah ditulis TMJ. Bukan rahsia lagi yang Mahathir begitu bencikan keluarga diraja kerana sejak zaman Perang Dunia Kedua lagi beliau telah bertelagah dengan Tunku Abdul Rahman, Perdana Menteri Pertama Malaysia dan kerabat diraja Kedah. Baru-baru ini, Mahathir telah menyerang projek Forest City dengan cuba menakutkan penduduk tempatan dengan kebanjiran warga China dan menyerang etnik Bugis, iaitu keturunan Najib dan dua orang Sultan, iaitu Johor dan Selangor dengan berkata ‘Lanun Bugis patut balik ke tanah asal mereka’.

Sultan Johor mengecam Mahathir kerana memainkan sentimen perkauman manakala Sultan Selangor mengecam komen Bugis Mahathir.

Mahathir masih tidak memohon kemaafan atas kedua-dua insiden itu.

Beliau adalah seorang yang pemarah dan akan membakar seluruh negara ini dengan kemarahan beliau” titah Sultan Selangor di dalam satu kenyataan yang dikatakan turut dipersetujui oleh Majlis Raja-Raja.

Apabila ditanya oleh media mengenai titah Sultan Selangor itu, Mahathir menjawab “Ya, saya memang pemarah dan anda sendiri boleh lihat betapa marahnya saya. Saya akan bakar anda dan akan terus membakar apa sahaja.”

Ya, Mahathir akan membakar apa sahaja asalkan beliau mendapat apa yang beliau hajati. Beliau tidak peduli sekiranya negara ini hancur. Ini adalah kerana beliau kian kesuntukan masa.

Sebelum bersara 15 tahun lepas, beliau mahukan seorang Perdana Menteri yang mendengar cakap dan yang akan melindungi beliau dan keluarga beliau dari sebarang siasatan, walaupun selepas beliau tiada lagi. Apabila Pak Lah enggan, beliau gulingkan Pak Lah. Kemudian datang Najib Razak yang mempunyai idea sendiri bagaimana negara ini perlu ditadbir dan dijadikan lebih baik. Mahathir, yang tidak biasa dengan orang-orang yang tidak mengikut kemahuan beliau, cuba menggulingkan Najib. Ianya merupakan serangan dari pelbagai arah, yang menguatkan lagi serangan sedia ada dari pembangkang.

Beliau berpakat dengan Muhyiddin dan Shafie. Beliau tahu bahawa beliau tidak boleh bergantung harap dengan Zahid Hamidi kerana beliau pernah memenjarakan Zahid di bawah ISA. Kesetiaan Hishammuddin terhadap sepupunya pula tidak boleh dipersoalkan. Beliau menekan kepimpinan UMNO dengan harapan Najib akan disingkirkan dan Muhyiddin akan dilantik sebagai Perdana Menteri lalu menjamin keselamatan keluarga beliau.

Malangnya rancangan itu gagal. Najib kembali teguh dan kini aktif membalas serangan. Muhyiddin dan Shafie dipecat dari kerajaan dan parti. Mahathir dan keluarganya kini berdepan dengan kemungkinan terpaksa menghadapi siasatan ke atas salahguna kuasa untuk mendapatkan kekayaan dan projek-projek tanpa tender terbuka.

Sebab inilah beliau nekad untuk kembali berkuasa sebagai Perdana Menteri – supaya beliau boleh jamin akan dapat melindungi keluarga beliau dari disiasat oleh pihak berkuasa.

Jika difikirkan, kenapa perlunya seorang ‘ yang berprinsip’ melanggar kesemua prinsip  dan bekerjasama dengan musuh ketatnya, yang diketahui ingin memusnahkan budaya dan adat istiadat orang melayu dan mungkin juga, institusi beraja?

Mantan-mantan pegawai tinggi polis dan tentera pasti ingat di dalam satu sesi golf di mana Almarhum Sultan Iskandar berkata Malaysia tidak memerlukan sistem Presiden dan mesti menyingkirkan ‘beban politik’.

Kita mungkin tertanya apa yang dimaksudkan oleh Almarhum tteapi saya rasa saya tidak mempunyai sebarang masalah mengenalpasti siapa yang dimaksudkan oleh Almarhum.

Namun, satu perkara yang pasti, Mahathir lebih rela untuk memohon maaf kepada Ambiga dan DAP kerana menggunakan perkatan ‘keling‘ daripada memohon ampun kepada Raja-Raja Melayu.

Lihatlah sendiri di mana kedudukan Raja-Raja Melayu berbanding Ambiga dan DAP di mata Mahathir.

Inikah sifat seseorang yang boleh memelihara kedudukan agama Islam dan keistimewaan Bumiputera dan orang Melayu di Malaysia?

Berhati-hatilah bila membuang undi kelak.

To Do Away With The Political Baggage

Sultan Yem & Ayah & Anak

It has been an interesting week indeed.  The long awaited dissolution of the Parliament has happened.  The announcement by the Elections Commission that the polling day will fall on a Wednesday has gotten people excited over nothing.  This would be the sixth general elections that is held on a work day since Independence.  That is six out of 14.  And half of that were done during Mahathir’s time.

Many cry foul saying that it would be almost impossible for them to make the trip back to wherever they came from just to vote, and then go back to where they actually reside. Justice, they say, without even thinking about the injustice they do to their kampung folks who have to endure five excruciating years of having a representative who may be worse than the last guy.

If you don’t want the hassle of having to travel back to vote, register as a voter where you actually live.

Having said that, what was more interesting was the recent Facebook post by His Royal Highness The Tengku Mahkota of Johor that called upon the people of Johor NOT to vote for a party or coalition that would allow Mahathir to win.  That got people riled up.  Prior to this, when the Tengku Mahkota Johor, or TMJ as he is fondly known as, speak out against the ruling government, even those who do not believe in the Rulers Institution would comment “Daulat Tuanku” in a reply.  The very same people now attack HRH.

I am not fond of the royalty speaking out in such manner because I believe that even though their Highnesses may be opinionated, they should remain to be seen neutral.  However, the famously-written lines by Walter Bagehot comes to mind:

…that the monarch has three rights: the right to be consulted, to encourage, and to warn”.

This is noted by Mark R Gillen of the Faculty of Law, University of Victoria (Gillen 1994:7). In the words of the late Sultan of Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah, former Lord President, it is:

“a mistake to think that the role of a King, like that of a President, is confined to what is laid down by the Constitution, His role far exceeds those constitutional provisions” (Azlan Shah 1986:89)

Therefore, it is within the rights of the TMJ to warn the people of Johor on what he thinks could be dangerous to them, and to the unity of the people of the state.

If Barisan wishes to capitalise on this matter, I would say that the timing is a bit off as it was done far too early in the game.  You now see posts being shared on WhatsApp attacking not just the present Sultan, but also his late father, grandfather of the TMJ.  Mahathir, too, was quick to comment saying that the posting by the TMJ would only work in Pakatan’s favour.

Or so he thinks.

Mahathir’s tiff with the Johor Istana predates even Syed Saddiq’s existence.  Two years after becoming the Prime Minister, Mahathir sought the agreement of the late Sultan of Perak for the latter to become the Yang DiPertuan Agong, replacing the Sultan of Pahang whose tenure was ending the following year.  Running simultaneously was a campaign to put the late Sultan of Johor in a bad light, in order to gain the support of the masses for the Prime Minister’s effort.

The relationship between Mahathir and the late Sultan of Johor was so bad that it prompted some ranks within the military to plan a coup in August 1983.  The Chief of Army, General Tan Sri Dato’ Zain Hashim, an illustrious officer, retired at the young age of 52 in January 1984, and was replaced for just over a year by General Tan Sri Dato’ Mohd Ghazali bin Haji Che Mat, who was in turn replaced when he was made the Chief of the Armed Forces, by Mahathir’s brother-in-law, General Tan Sri Dato’ Seri Mohamed Hashim bin Mohd Ali.  By then, the army was firmly under someone loyal to Mahathir.  Hashim later became the Chief of Armed Forces.

I know of some details of the planned coup, but was asked to keep them confidential.

No, this does not show that the Armed Forces should only be loyal to the Rulers; on the contrary it shows that the Armed Forces should also be loyal to the government of the Yang DiPertuan Agong simply because Cabinet Ministers, according to Article 39 of the Federal Constitution, represent the Yang DiPertuan Agong and are given executive powers to administer the country on His Majesty’s behalf.  Therefore, loyalty shall be given by the Armed Forces to the Prime Minister and his Cabinet.

The rest of what Mahathir did or tried to do to the Johor Royal Family are as posted by the TMJ.  His glaring lack of love for any royal family goes back to as early as the Second World War period where he began his fight against Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaysia’s first premier and a member of the Kedah royal family.  In recent episodes,  Mahathir attacked Johor’s Forest City project by creating fear amongst the masses saying that there will be an influx of Chinese immigrants once the project is completed, and then attacked people of Bugis descendants that include not only Najib Razak, but also the Sultans of Johor and Selangor saying that “Bugis pirates should go back to their land“.

The Sultan of Johor criticised Mahathir for playing the race card, while the Sultan of Selangor rebuked Mahathir for the comments made about the Bugis people.

Mahathir remained unapologetic on both occasions.

He is an angry man and will burn the whole country with his anger,” said the Sultan of Selangor in a statement and said his sentiment was shared by all members of the Rulers institution.

When asked about the Sultan’s statement by members of the press, Mahathir replied, “Yes, I am a very angry man, you can see how angry I am. I will burn you, I am always burning things.”

Yes, Mahathir would burn anything down, as long as he gets his way.  He does not care if the country is razed to the ground.  All this is because Mahathir is a man who is running out of time.

Before stepping down 15 years ago, he wanted a Prime Minister who would do his bidding, and protect him  and his family from any probe or investigation, even after he is gone.  When Abdullah Ahmad Badawi refused, he dislodged the latter from the premiership.  In came Najib Razak who has his own ideas on how this country should be run, and made better.  Mahathir, not accustomed with partnering with dissenters, tried to remove Najib.  It was a multi-pronged attack, reinforcing the attacks that were already being done by the Opposition.

He then made a pact with Muhyiddin and Shafie.  He knew that he could not rely on Zahid Hamidi as he was the one who arrested Zahid under the ISA.  Hishammuddin’s loyalty to his cousin is unquestionable.  He undermined the UMNO leadership hoping that Najib would be ousted, and he would plant Muhyiddin on the throne, and his family would be safe again.

Unfortunately, that plan failed miserably.  Najib regained his footing and charged back.  Both Muhyiddin and Shafie lost their jobs and subsequently left UMNO.  Mahathir and his family were now vulnerable to probes and investigations.

And that is why he is adamant on becoming the next Prime Minister – so that he could guarantee a successor who would continue to protect his family.

Why else would a “principled man” break all his principles and work hand-in-hand with his enemies whom, in his knowledge, are bent on destroying the culture and tradition of the Malay people, perhaps the Rulers institution too?

Certain former top brass would remember a particular golf game where the late Sultan Iskandar said to them that we should not have a Presidential system (in Malaysia) and (must) do away with the “political baggage”.

We wonder what the late Sultan meant, but I don’t think I have problems identifying whom he meant by that.

But one thing for sure, Mahathir would rather apologise to Ambiga for using the K-word than to apologise to their Majesties.

See where he puts the Malay Rulers compared to Ambiga.

Kegilaan Mahathir Mesti Dihentikan

Pada mulanya saya ingat saya hendak menulis mengenai Manifesto Barisan Nasional yang diumumkan oleh Perdana Menteri siang tadi.  Namun, saya terbaca sesuatu yang lebih menarik – nukilan mengenai Mahathir Mohamad oleh DYAM Tengku Mahkota Johor dalam laman Facebook Johor Southern Tigers.

Bunyinya begini:


PANDANGAN IKHLAS SAYA UNTUK RAKYAT JOHOR YANG SAYA SAYANGI

Hanya pandangan peribadi saya untuk rakyat Johor.

Assalamualaikum W.B.T. Saya ingin mengambil kesempatan ini untuk berkongsi pandangan dan pesanan saya kepada rakyat Johor yang saya kasihi sekalian. Saya memberi nasihat dan berkongsi pendapat saya bukan sebagai ahli politik yang perlukan undian, tetapi ia datang dari hati saya sebagai seorang anak Raja yang berkhidmat kepada rakyatnya. Taat setia saya adalah kepada Sultan saya, negeri Johor dan rakyat saya. DYMM Sultan Johor dan saya saling berkongsi pandangan dan inisiatif apa yang terbaik buat masa hadapan negeri Johor. Bukan sahaja dalam segi pentadbiran kerajaan tetapi untuk memperbaikinya dan menjadi kuasa ekonomi dalam negara, menangani mentaliti ektrimis, menaiktaraf sistem pendidikan dan sistem kesihatan.

Dengan senario politik yang berlaku sekarang dalam negara, tidak kiralah parti yang memerintah atau parti pembangkang, rakyat perlu pandai menilai apa yang terbaik untuk negeri kita dan negara. Dalam situasi politik, rakyat hanya dengar apa yang disampaikan oleh ahli politik di dalam ucapan mereka atau di media sosial. Tetapi yang tahu situasi sebenar adalah DYMM Sultan Johor dan saya sendiri. Apa sahaja rahsia sulit dan agenda mereka kami tahu. Semua maklum bahawa ahli politik ini apabila inginkan sesuatu, mereka akan menabur janji-janji manis. Saya bukan ahli politik tetapi saya juga ada agenda saya sendiri dan agenda saya adalah untuk kedaulatan negeri Johor dan kesejahteraan rakyat Johor.

Semua maklum bahawa UMNO dilahirkan di negeri Johor, di dalam istana negeri Johor. Saya tahu buat masa ini rakyat semua berkecil hati terhadap kepimpinan negara dan saya faham. Bagi pandangan saya, UMNO perlu lebih aset daripada liabiliti. Ia bermakna UMNO perlu bertukar cara pentadbiran dan pemikiran serta polisi terutama sekali sistem hirarki. Kita perlu lebih aset iaitu orang-orang muda yang ingin berkhidmat kepada negara dan berkongsi pengetahuan mereka yang berpotensi.

Saya juga tidak akan lupa siapa yang merosakkan UMNO, yang menjadi peneraju dan melahirkan kroni-kroni, melahirkan korupsi, melahirkan proksi dan juga siapa yang cuba menarik kuasa-kuasa Diraja termasuklah cuba untuk membubarkan Askar Timbalan Setia Negeri Johor (JMF) yang kami semua sayangi. Kedaulatan negeri Johor jangan dipersoalkan. Kami telah wujud dari tahun 1885 sehingga kerajaan persekutuan juga belajar protokol, pentadbiran dan perlembagaan daripada kami. Kami adalah negeri pertama yang mempunyai perlembagaan sendiri dan ia menjadi contoh kepada negara. Kadangkala kita tidak boleh menyalahkan sesebuah organisasi atau parti oleh kerana hanya seorang yang bermasalah.

Saya tidak lupa pada tahun 1992 ketika saya kecil dahulu dan nakal di sekolah, cikgu akan bercakap kepada saya, “Awak jangan main-main, awak tu kerabat diraja. Jika saya mengadu kepada Mahathir, habis awak.” Begitu juga dengan kisah Prebet Adam dimana Almarhum Sultan Iskandar iaitu datuk saya yang tidak ada peluang untuk mempertegakkan diri kerana ketika zaman itu tiada kemudahan internet, semua media dikawal oleh kerajaan.

Media mengeluarkan kenyataan kononnya prebet Adam mengamuk apabila mendapat tahu adik beliau dibunuh oleh Sultan Johor ketika itu. Sedangkan Prebet Adam tiada adik lelaki dan hanya ada adik perempuan yang meninggal dunia ketika berumur 2 tahun dalam tragedi rumah terbakar. Saya juga ada berjumpa dengan seorang individu berasal dari Kedah pada tahun lepas. Beliau yang bercerita kepada saya yang beliau berjumpa dengan Prebet Adam dan Prebet Adam menceritakan bagaimana dia dipaksa sepanjang 10 hari di dalam bilik sel yang gelap oleh anggota polis untuk mengaku yang Sultan Johor membunuh adiknya. Inilah yang sanggup dilakukan oleh kepimpinan tertinggi kerajaan ketika itu demi mendapatkan kuasa sepenuhya di dalam negara.

Rakyat jangan mudah tertipu dengan individu lidah bercabang dua seperti ular. Buat masa ini individu tersebut bukan ingin selamatkan negara tetapi apa yang dia sedang lakukan sekarang adalah kerana takut apa akan terjadi kepada anak-anaknya pada masa akan datang. Sedangkan orang yang paling kaya di dalam dunia pun belum pasti mampu untuk melahirkan tiga orang anak yang ‘billionaire’. Nasihat saya kepada rakyat Johor, jikalau kita tidak suka sesuatu dengan kerajaan, laungkan suara kita untuk pastikan mereka tahu apa yang kita inginkan. Anda semua mempunyai DYMM Sultan Johor dan saya di mana kami boleh sampaikan suara rakyat kepada kerajaan yang memerintah dan kepimpinan tertinggi dalam negara. Jangan sesekali anda sangka yang kami tiada inisiatif untuk memperbaiki sistem yang berada didalam kerajaan.

Tuan-tuan dan puan-puan yang saya hormati. Jikalau anda mahu berperang atau mahukan pertembungan antara kerajaan negeri Johor dan kerajaan persekutuan ia tidak akan mendatangkan apa-apa faedah. Jikalau kami mampu melahirkan ramai lagi anak muda yang ada potensi, sanggup berkhidmat kepada negara dan kami boleh pastikan yang dia mampu mewakili kerajaan, kita boleh mengubah segala-galanya daripada dalam.

DYMM Sultan Johor dan saya mempunyai agenda dan perancangan tersendiri. Agenda utama kami adalah untuk negeri Johor tetapi apa cara untuk kami sampai ke Putrajaya, kami tidak boleh kongsikan kepada anda semua. Ia adalah sulit dan rahsia. Saya bukan ingin menyokong mana-mana parti politik tetapi untuk mengubah nasib negara dan memperbaiki sistem, bukan untuk menjatuhkan kerajaan. Kita perlu mengubahnya daripada dalam.

Jadi, saya dan negara-negara jiran kami berpandangan, jika kapal ini telah berjalan dengan baik selama berpuluh tahun dan mempunyai masalah oleh kerana nakhodanya yang bermasalah, tidak perlu tukar kepada enjin yang baharu. Duduk di dalam kapal yang sama, dan membimbing nakhoda tersebut dan beritahu ke mana kita mahu pergi. Cukup ini sahajalah yang dapat saya kongsikan bersama rakyat. Tetapi rakyat Johor perlu percaya kepada visi DYMM Sultan Johor dan saya sendiri. Tidak perlu banyak perkara untuk dijadikan contoh. Cukup satu perkara kecil sahaja yang boleh saya beritahu anda semua untuk dijadikan sebagai contoh.

Apa yang anda lihat dengan apa yang saya lakukan dalam pentadbiran Persatuan Bolasepak Malaysia (FAM) adalah sama apa yang kami akan lakukan di pentadbiran peringkat tertinggi. Bola sepak hanyalah minat saya. Pada 30hb Jun 2016, saya ada mengeluarkan satu kenyataan dalam laman rasmi JOHOR Southern Tigers yang mengatakan kami akan memusnahkan apa yang anda bina dan kami akan bina yang lebih baik. Ia adalah satu pembayang apa yang ingin saya lakukan kepada sistem pentadbiran FAM ketika itu. Saya tidak kongsikan perkara ini kepada ramai pihak tetapi hari ini saya akan kongsikan kepada semua. Misi saya ketika menyertai FAM adalah untuk memperbaiki dan mempertingkatkan struktur sedia ada. Ia juga untuk menukar struktur perlembagaan dalam FAM bagi memastikan kuasa Presiden FAM dan Persatuan Bolasepak adalah terhad. Mereka hanya menjaga Jawatankuasa Tatatertib, pengadil dan pasukan kebangsaan. FAM juga tidak lagi memberi arahan dan terlibat dengan apa yang berlaku kepada pasukan, kelab, kewangan dan pentadbiran liga. Apa yang saya lakukan adalah saya mengubah perlembagaan di mana kami melabur kepada FAM, melabur kepada semua pasukan dan kami menjaga kepentingan Malaysian Football League (MFL). Ini adalah sebab mengapa saya keluar daripada FAM kerana kuasa tiada kepada Persatuan Bolasepak sama seperti di negara-negara luar. Kuasa berada pada badan berkecuali yang menguruskan liga seperti LaLiga (Sepanyol), Seria A (Itali), English Premier League (England), Bundesliga (Jerman) dan sekarang di Malaysia adalah MFL. Tetapi jangan salah tafsir dengan menganggap Presiden FAM sebagai proksi. Beliau bukan proksi tetapi adalah individu yang layak dan boleh bekerjasama dengan MFL. Ini diibaratkan seperti latihan saya sebelum agenda saya yang lebih besar di peringkat tertinggi melibatkan pentadbiran sistem negeri dan kerajaan.

Tuan-tuan dan puan-puan, saya datang dari keluarga dan hidup di dunia yang anda tidak boleh lihat dan dunia itu dikawal rapi. Anda lihat bagaimana pergerakan sesuatu rejim dan organisasi sulit mengawal dunia. Kami juga mempunyai sistem yang sama tetapi kami organisasi yang berbeza. Jika anda lihat bagaimana organisasi sulit mengawal negara-negara besar daripada sebuah tanah kecil di Timur Tengah dan inilah yang kami lakukan disini untuk mengawal takdir sesebuah negara. Ia telah dilakukan sejak zaman nenek moyang saya dan kami akan meneruskannya untuk rakyat bagi ‘restore the order’ apabila ia terkeluar daripada ‘order’ tersebut. Itulah tanggungjawab kami dan ia akan sentiasa menjadi tugas kami.

Sekarang ini, di dalam negara situasi politik agak berkucar kacir. Tetapi ia tidak semestinya adalah pengakhiran dunia (kiamat). Inilah masanya untuk ‘restore the order’ dan melaksanakannya kepada sistem yang telah dirosakkan oleh individu yang berumur 93 tahun ingin menjadi Perdana Menteri sekarang ini. Jangan tertipu, buka mata anda, gunakan akal fikiran dan ikut bayangan yang akan saya berikan kerana saya tahu apa yang anda tidak tahu. Anda perlu percaya kepada saya kerana saya tahu apa yang ingin saya lakukan. Inilah masanya untuk bumi selatan mengawal sesetengah situasi dan memulihkan semula ‘order’ yang telah dirosakkan oleh individu yang tamakkan kuasa dan duit. Jangan mudah terpengaruh dan percaya dengan apa yang anda dengar semalam di Pasir Gudang. Negeri Johor tidak akan pernah lupa kepada individu yang ingin membubarkan Angkatan Setia Negeri Johor (JMF) yang telah wujud sejak 1886 dan berangan mahu menarik kuasa Sultan Johor yang memerintah serta memperkecilkan perlembagaan negeri Johor yang telah wujud sebelum adanya negara bernama Malaysia.

Ingatlah wahai rakyat Johor yang saya kasihi sekalian. Bersatu kita teguh bercerai kita roboh. Selagi rakyat Johor bersatu bersama-sama dengan kepimpinan DYMM Sultan Johor termasuk saya, pelbagai perkara yang kita mahukan boleh dicapai untuk masa hadapan anak cucu cicit kita. Jangan kita berpecah belah dan mudah dipermainkan dengan anasir-anasir luar yang mahu menghancurkan kedaulatan negeri ini. Lihatlah apa yang telah saya lakukan terhadap bola sepak. Bola sepak ini hanyalah latihan. Ia ibarat saya ke ‘driving range’ sebelum pertandingan golf sebenar.

Jangan tukar kapal jika enjin masih berfungsi dengan baik. Jangan menukar nakhoda kapal tetapi benarkan sultan saya dan saya membimbing nakhoda tersebut demi anda.
Ubah dan pertingkatkan apa yang perlu diubah dan apa yang perlu dipertingkatkan untuk negeri dan negara yang tercinta.

DYAM Mejar Jeneral Tunku Ismail Ibni Sultan Ibrahim, Tunku Mahkota Johor

Malaysia Is Buying Up The World According To Pakatan

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Everyone talks about Communist atrocities in Malaysia. Well, it was done by Malayans, not China. But we never talk about Japanese atrocities in Malaya. Why?

I refer to a WhatsApp message that says the following:

Listen to this (video) and think about it.

 It’s hard to believe that Malaysia is the perfect model for China after Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Jamaica & Greece.

We hv the history of atrocities by Communist Party (Terrorists).

Jack Ma is also the influential biz advisor to the PM.

Numerous lands & companies bought over by China, Xiamen university for students from China.

Enclavement (safe haven) in MCKIP, Forest Cities, flourishing China’s retail companies even in Aeon too.etc,

Strategic Tun Razak 106 Exchange overlooking KL area, with potential airport, ports and MISC shipping, railway lines, even purchase of Perwaja land within Kemaman Supply base etc….widespread corruptions, a condusive environment to China Belt Road Initiatives.

We hv to accept first that the threat is real.”

 

HISTORY OF ATROCITIES BY COMMUNIST PARTY

The atrocity done to Malaysians was by those born in Malaya, not China.  China merely gave its support for the setting up of a Communist satellite nation in Malaysia by Chin Peng, who is largely revered by the DAP.

In 1981, Mahathir’s political secretary was arrested by the police for being a communist agent.  Interestingly, Mahathir allowed Communist Cuba to open an embassy in Kuala Lumpur in 1997.  Mahathir also allowed Communist North Korea to open an embassy in Kuala Lumpur in 2003, several months before he stepped down.

Mahathir loved Communist China so much that he visited the country seven times and invited China to invest in Malaysia.  A year after he became PM the Sino-Malaysia trade stood at US$307 million.  A year before he stepped down, it was at US$14 billion.

Mahathir himself said in Bangkok after retirement that for 2000 years China has been a superpower, and it could have invaded the Malay states had it wanted to but never did.  So, if Mahathir has never been afraid of China, why should be we be afraid of it?

JACK MA IS INFLUENTIAL BUSINESS ADVISOR TO THE PM

Well, Jack Ma is the advisor to this country on E-Commerce.  If this is the concern, then Jack Ma is also the business advisor to Indonesia on E-Commerce.  By definition, China has also colonised Indonesia through Jack Ma.

Wait! Jack Ma is also the advisor to the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) on E-Commerce.  So, has China taken over the world?

NUMEROUS LANDS AND COMPANIES BOUGHT OVER BY CHINA. XIAMEN UNIVERSITY FOR STUDENTS FROM CHINA

Wow! Well written by a very ill-informed person.

Xiamen University Campus Malaysia has 700 students from China and 900 from Malaysia.  Last year it gave out scholarships to top performing local (Malaysian students).

Xiamen University Campus Malaysia is just a new face in a crowded space that already has nine branch campus of foreign universities that include Nottingham University, University of Reading, Monash University to name a few.

Why pick on Xiamen University alone? Is it because it is in a state held by the Barisan Nasional?  Before Xiamen University, we already have Hanjiang (Han Chiang) University in Pulau Pinang and New Era University College in Kajang, Selangor.  Why not ask why is the flag of China flying above those campuses as well?

As at the beginning of 2018, China’s investments received in Malaysia is RM63 billion.  Japan’s investments received in Malaysia totals RM70 billion.  Aren’t we selling the country to the Japanese more?

Furthermore, China’s FDI in Malaysia is at the 10th place and accounts for only 2 percent of the total FDI received by Malaysia.  The US debt to China is at US$1.2 TRILLION making its Debt-to-China-versus-GDP at 6.5 percent.  Is the US now owned by China?  You tell me!

ENCLAVEMENT IN MCKIP, FOREST CITY, FLOURISHING CHINA’S RETAIL COMPANIES IN AEON TOO

AEON is a company that has nine members of the Board.  Three of the nine are Japanese while the rest are Malaysians.  If the Japanese board members don’t give a hoot about China retail companies in AEON complexes, why should you?

The Malaysia-China Kuantan Industrial Park (MCKIP) in Kuantan is a 51:49 percent joint-venture between a Malaysian consortium and a China consortium.  How is it that we have sold our country to China when we have a 51-percent control of the park?

Why did the writer also write that there is a CMQIP in China?  Yes, there is a China-Malaysia Qinzhou Industrial Park which is also a 51:49 percent joint-venture between a China consortium and a Malaysian consortium. Has China also sold its ports, airports and country to Malaysia?

There are also the China-Singapore Suzhou Industrial Park (CSSIP) and the China-Singapore Tianjin Eco City (CSTEC), both in China. Has China sold its country to Singapore too?

Exchange 106 is only built by China’s CSCEC, but the master developer is Indonesia’s Mulia Group.  Since when is Exchange 106 a China-owned property?

Forest City is an exception.  Although only 40 percent of the development is owned by a Malaysian company, it is an enclave for foreigners, not just China’s citizens. About 15 percent is owned by other foreigners including those from the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.  But does owning only 40 percent make Forest City essentially China-owned?

Similarly, the Marina One and DUO development in Singapore are 60 percent owned by Khazanah Nasional. 40 percent remains with Temasek Holdings.  Does that mean those developments are essentially Malaysian? Has Singapore sold itself to Malaysia? Has there been any noise by anyone in Singapore over this issue?

Of course not.  Singaporeans are not as stupid and foolish as Malaysians are who would believe anything especially lies and fake news.

(Originally sent as a WhatsApp message)

Pergau Payoff

Kuala Yong near Jeli, Kelantan is a laid back but picturesque place. Located some 100 kilometres west of Kota Bharu, the village was once the seat of a global controversy that is still being spoken about today – the Pergau Dam affair.

I touched briefly on the Pergau Dam affair in a recent posting. It talked about how Malaysia took advantage of the weak British economy to conduct the infamous ‘Dawn Raid’, almost bringing Margaret Thatcher to kowtow before Mahathir.

The Pergau Dam affair was about treachery – Mahathir’s style.

It involved an arms scandal as well as aid for the poor that turned into what is now the Pergau Dam.

Allegations of bribes being passed to the then-Prime Minister of Malaysia was abound. But as with the allegations of tens of billions of Ringgits squandered by Mahathir, he never challenged these allegations either.

The Pergau Dam story started with then Secretary of State for Defense George Younger’s agreement with the government of Malaysia in 1988 that the Britain would provide aid in the amount of 20 percent the value of arms sales from Britain to Malaysia. This aid would come in the form of a dam project, despite a subsequent assessment from economists and engineers of the Overseas Development Administration (ODA – the UK’s development arm at the time, which reported to the Foreign Secretary) who found that the dam would not be a cost-efficient way to increase the production of electricity.

In 1991, then Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, authorised the expenditure of £234 million from the aid budget anyway, to maintain a deal made by the defence secretary and approved by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and later John Major.  The World Development Movement called for a judicial review of the funding of Pergau Dam on the grounds of a law which states that aid can only be used for “promoting the development or maintaining the economy of a country….or the welfare of its people”.

The British High Court ruled in 1994 that the project was not of economic benefit to the Malaysian people; the deal linked aid directly to commercial contracts and was unlawful.

The Sunday Times ran a story that the dam contractor, George Wimpey International, had paid an initial bribe meant for Mahathir to the tune of USD500,000 (approximately RM1.25 million then). Instead of challenging the newspaper in a court of law, Mahathir got Anwar, who was his Deputy then, to announce ‘Buy British Last II‘.

Lim Kit Siang, Mahathir’s present best friend, jumped at the opportunity to slam the latter. He openly challenged Mahathir to sue the Sunday Times in a court of law – something Mahathir never did.

Although the amount of bribe stated by Lim Kit Siang varied from what was reported by the Sunday Times the last two lines of the above screen capture of Kit Siang’s article shows that monies were transferred to ‘account numbers in Switzerland to which fees related to contract award are to be paid.

When the Pergau deal and alleged bribes transfers took place in 1984-85, Mahathir’s right-hand man Daim Zainuddin was the Finance Minister. Coincidentally, it was said that Daim owned, or was in control of, at least a bank in Switzerland, if not more. This was also how, according to Edmund Terence Gomez and Jomo Kwame Sundaram, Daim’s company called Baktimu Sdn Bhd was able to obtain a RM40 million loan from the Union Bank of Switzerland to buy a 33 percent stake in Sime UEP for RM75 million in CASH!

Daim only recently divested from the banking business in Switzerland through his company, ICB Financial Group AG.

Could Daim have been involved in providing the accounts into which these payments were credited?

Neither Mahathir nor Daim has come forth to explain, let alone sue especially the Sunday Times for running that story.

In the words of Lim Kit Siang when his struggle then was for the people: