UMNO: OVERHAUL OR SINK INTO A GREAT ABYSS

AHMAD Zahid Hamidi, who was until three days ago adamant on staying on to helm Umno, has finally stepped aside to allow his deputy, Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, to lead the grand old party.

Ahmad Zahid was not seen to take charge after taking over the president’s seat from his predecessor, Datuk Seri Najib Razak.  

His win in the party elections that secured his position is said to be due to three factors: that he is the continuation of Najib Razak‘s leadership (to which we have not seen any resemblance); that he had a strong social media team to bombard members with campaign materials  at the eleventh hour before the votes were cast; and, allegations of vote-buying which had recently surfaced.

The sad bit is that Umno grassroots have been left without direction.  Unlike Pakatan in previous elections, Umno per se did not organise ceramahs to win back the hearts and minds of voters after the loss.  Instead, Zahid’s leadership hung on to a saying by Sun Tzu that the greatest strength is found in silence.

This silence further drove grassroot members and supporters in the Malay hinterland alike towards the arms of Pakatan Harapan (PPBM in particular) and Pas because they are the only Malay parties that are actually doing and saying something.

It is understandable with the comical nature of most of the government’s Cabinet members, staying silent watching the Pakatan-led government crumble due to its own doings is probably the best thing to do.

Umno and Barisan Nasional component party members do not have to do anything much except wait for the moment to give voters the “I told you so” comment. 

But global economic conditions will change, and cabinet members will wise up. You can already see this in the likes of Health Minister Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad and Defence Minister Mohamad Sabu.

Both are seen to be going on the ground to learn the ropes of their trade. Dr Dzul is streamlining the health policies to continue to make medical treatment affordable for both the people and the government, while Mohamad has formed the Armed Forces Veterans Council, a very much awaited move that has eluded the veterans who would like their voice on how they should be treated, heard.

Other than that, the Prime Minister has his Council of Eminent Persons (CEP) to act as a buffer as well as a damage-control council any time a Minister blurts out not-thoroughly-thought-of remarks.

Umno was left with 54 seats after the previous general election – the single party with the largest number of parliamentary seats.  Fear of being taken legal action against, as well as the seemingly lack of direction from Zahid, saw Umno MPs jump to the other side.

For seven long months Umno under Zahid neglected the Malay strongholds – the kampungs and especially Felda.  

Some 59 percent of Felda voters voted for the BN (UMNO), 24 percent for PAS, and 17 for PH (mainly PPBM). In the kampungs, BN (UMNO) retained 47 percent, 19 percent for PAS while PH garnered 34 percent.

Khor Yu Leng broke this down further in her article (The Edge Malaysia, 17 December 2018) to the states of Johor, Pahang and Negeri Sembilan where the Felda districts are mostly located. 

She found that in the Johor Felda districts, 70 percent of voters chose Umno while in the kampungs, both Umno and PH had 45 percent each.  Pas trailed with only five percent. 

Pas had support in the Pahang FELDA districts and kampungs where it received 35 and 25 percent of the votes respectively, while PH only received 10 and 25 percent. BN received 55 and 50 percent respectively. 

However, both BN and Pas saw a huge decline in support from the Felda youth segments in both Negeri Sembiland and Johor.

With commodity prices declining rapidly and cost of living increasing rapidly, I fail to see the logic of staying silent waiting for the moon to fall into Umno’s lap. 

I seriously do not understand why Umno hasn’t gone into the Malay hinterlands to take advantage of this.

I have always opined, again it is my opinion, that someone difficult to target such as Tengku Razaleigh should have been the Opposition Leader, while Mohamad Hasan look after the administration and management of Umno.  

Ku Li is the president Umno almost had, while Mohamad Hasan’s approach is seen to be welcomed by the voters. Even Ahmad Maslan is consistent in his role as an opposition MP.

It is extremely important for Umno to see what the voters want, not just what it wants.  Without the voters’ approval, there is no way for Umno to make any form of come back. 

This talk of bringing Najib Razak back as the Opposition Leader should be stopped.  His brand is a damaged brand and it is unlikely that the voters other than those in Pekan would like to see him back so soon at the helm of the country. 

An Umno member might disagree, but if you ask any urban voter disenfranchised by Pakatan’s flip-flop policies, Najib is out of the question – at least for now.

Umno also needs to stop fielding heritage candidates like Ku Nan, Nazri Aziz to name a few.  Start looking at the younger generation. We have a great deal of young voters who need fresh political air to breathe in.  If Umno refuses to evolve, it will die.

Talking about young voters, something caught my eye that could be a breath of fresh air — that tea-chat session between Rafizi Ramli, Nurul Izzah and Khairy Jamaluddin. They could be the precursor to a third force.  

In spite of their political leanings, the three are idealists, as are other younger politicians like MCA’s Chong Sin Woon, DAP’s Ong Kian Ming and PKR’s Wong Chen.  

Imagine if they are to form their own party, both BN and PH would have a tough time holding on to their current seats in the next general election. 

This is why Umno needs a total overhaul, do away with the little Napoleons and get idealistic younger candidates fielded.

But before then, send these potential candidates out to the Malay hinterlands and let them engage the voters there.  

But that has to be done now. If Umno chooses to remain silent and wait for the heavens to fall into its lap, be forewarned that the heavens may float up, but they contain masses that may sink Umno into a great abyss from where it will never float to the surface again.

(This article was first published by The Mole)

The Malaysian Concord (Part 4) – The Position and Function of the Malay Rulers

This article follows a previous one on the Malay and Bumiputera special rights.

A couple of days ago it was made known to the public that the street names in a certain suburb of Shah Alam were changed to Chinese characters, in contravention of Sections 2 and 9 of the National Language Act, 1963/67.

Yesterday, HRH The Sultan of Selangor decreed that the street names be taken down and replaced by ones in the Malay language, which is the National Language.

I mentioned in a previous post that a national language is a tool to unite the peoples of Malaysia. 

It was the intention of our forefathers in the quest for independence to have ONE language to unite all, and that is the Malay language with a Romanised written form, so that the non-Malays could learn the Malay language rapidly (Tunku Abdul Rahman, The Road to Independence, 1984: pp.112-114).

I gather that those were the reasons His Royal Highness issued the decree mentioned above – in line with one of the functions of the Malay Rulers: to care for the people’s welfare.  Therefore, if there is any issue that may cause tension, the Malay Rulers will step in to remind the people to respect each other and to respect the laws.

What I find disgusting in this episode is that the local government, or local council, allowed for the street name change to happen, forgetting that every instrument of the government is acting on His Majesty’s Service.

Not too long ago, all government envelopes had URUSAN SERI PADUKA BAGINDA stamped at the top; that was until someone who was not fond of the Rulers changed that to URUSAN KERAJAAN.

 

Essentially, all government branches, including the Federal cabinet as well as the state executive councillors, are acting on behalf of the Yang DiPertuan Agong and Sultan (in the case of states).  

They are not independent of the Rulers – which is why they are sworn in before the Agong or the Sultan.

The Malay Rulers have divested much of their independence now as they did before during the period of British administration.

However, both they and their state remain sovereign. Independence is not equal to sovereignty.

The British were here through the various treaties signed with the respective Malay Rulers.  Save for the Japanese occupation, Malayan Union period, Pulau Pinang, Melaka and for a while, Pangkor, the Dindings and Larut, Peninsular Malaysia was never under British colonial rule.

There were three test cases to determine the sovereignty of the Rulers and the state they ruled:

 

  1. The infamous Mighell v The Sultan of Johore (1894) where it was ruled that, although the Sultan by treaty had bound himself not to exercise some rights of a sovereign ruler, this did not deprive him of his character as an independent sovereign;
  2. In Duff Development Company Limited v The Government of Kelantan (1924), the House of Lords similarly upheld the sovereignty of Kelantan and its Ruler was not intended to be qualified by the terms of the treaty.
  3. In Pahang Consolidated Company Limited v State of Pahang (1933), the Privy Council summarised the constitutional position in Pahang as follows: subject to the limitations which the Sultan had from time to time imposed upon himself, he remained ‘an absolute ruler in whom resides all legislative and executive power.’ (See, 1894; Q.B 1924; A.C and M.L.J).

The British were in the Malay states to assist the Malay Rulers in the administration and management of their respective states, and were under the Rulers’ payroll.  

The only matters that they could not touch were the states’ Islamic affairs and Malay customs.

Sir Frederick Lugard wrote of the British Residents:

“From the first to last the theoretical independence of the states was the governing factor in the system evolved in Malaya. The so-called ‘Resident’ was in fact a Regent, practically uncontrolled by the Governor or Whitehall, governing his ‘independent’ state by direct, personal rule, with or without the co-operation of the native ruler.” (Sir F.D Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, London, 1926: pp.130-1, vid. pp.8-10).

One such Resident was of course James Wheeler Woodford Birch who, in the words of Sir Richard Olaf Winstedt, “dashed into Perak’s Augean Stables like an angry Victorian schoolmaster, confident that it could all be cleaned up with a little firmness and decision.” (Winstedt, History of Perak, JMBRAS, xii, 1).

Birch’s monumental tactlessness, especially over the regulation of taxes, drove all the Sultan’s Chiefs into frantic opposition which resulted in his assassination in 1875.

Other than the occasional odd behaviour by some Residents, the Malay Rulers and their state remained sovereign and ‘independent’.  In an answer to Colonel Josiah Wedgwood (Labour – Newcastle-under-Lyme) about the control over the states of Malaya, Sir Phillip Cunliffe-Lister (Conservative – Hendon), Secretary of State for the Colonies replied:

“There is no question at all of altering in any degree, even by a comma, the Treaties which bind us, and which are charters of the agreements with the Rulers both of the Federated and the Unfederated Malay States.” (British Parliament Hansard, Commons Sitting, Class II, HC Deb 14 July 1933 vol 280 cc 1429).

With the Independence of Malaya, all the administrative powers handed down by the Malay Rulers to the Federal and State Councils was passed to the government that was chosen by the people of Malaya in the 1955 elections.  

The Federal cabinet administer the government of the Yang DiPertuan Agong, who was elected by the Malay Rulers to represent Their Highnesses at Federal level, while the Menteri Besar and state executive councillors administer the state for the Sultans.

The Malay Rulers, as owners of this land, continue to enjoy their position with their income regulated by the respective laws, and receive advice from the Menteris Besar (or in the case of the Yang DiPertuan Agong, the Prime Minister). 

This is evident in Article 181(1) of the Federal Constitution which states:

“Subject to the provisions of this Constitution,” the “sovereignty, prerogatives, powers and jurisdiction of the Rulers…as hitherto had and enjoyed shall remain unaffected.”

The same was noted by Mark R Gillen of the Faculty of Law, University of Victoria (Gillen 1994:7). 

In the words of the late Sultan of Perak, Sultan Azlan Shah, former Lord President, it is:

“a mistake to think that the role of a King, like that of a President, is confined to what is laid down by the Constitution, His role far exceeds those constitutional provisions” (Azlan Shah 1986:89).

In 1867, Bagehot asserted in “The English Constitution” that the Constitution needed two parts: the dignified – to excite and preserve the reverence of the population’ and the other, the efficient – to ‘employ that homage in the work of government’. 

The monarch was the prime example of dignity in this sense and the Prime Minister (Menteri Besar) and his cabinet (executive councillors) of efficiency.  

Therefore, the monarch, while lacking executive power, had an important constitutional role.

HRH The Sultan of Selangor was correct in the exercise of his function when reminding the people to not touch on the matters that have been agreed upon and are already enshrined in the Constitution – the sanctity of Islam, the National Language, the Malay and Bumiputera special rights, and the position and function of the Malay Rulers.  

Such action, had the Sultan not interjected, would be naïve and dangerous to the fabric of the society.

In the words of Sultan Nazrin Muizuddin Shah of Perak in July 2011:

“Rulers must use wisdom to calm situations, but they do not have a ‘magic lamp’ to keep unity, especially when the situation has become chaotic. “

(This article was first published on The Mole)

Lest We Forget The Alliance

I don’t know what prompted the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) to go it all alone in the recent Balakong by-election.

Perhaps, it did not want to be seen as an Umno lackey as it had always been labelled as. But this was the first time that it had contested under its own party logo since the first general election in 1955.

As we can now see, there is a general lethargy among the masses in respect of politics.

We have had three by-elections since the downfall of the Barisan Nasional government and the turnout during the by-elections have been rather poor.

On the 87th day, the Sungai Kandis by-election saw a drop of 18,476 voters compared to the numbers during the 14th general election.

Umno had initially wanted to contest using its own logo but changed its mind. Under the BN banner, the Barisan Nasional saw an 11.49 percent swing compared to 5.84 percent for Pakatan Harapan.

Umno was helped by Parti Islam Se Malaysia (Pas) although the latter still showed a certain amount of distrust towards the former.

There was very little or no involvement at all by MCA and MIC. The majority was reduced by 5,842 compared to 12,480 on May 9.

In the Seri Setia by-election which was held 22 days after Pakatan Harapan’s failure to fulfil its election manifesto promises, Pas saw a 31.01 percent swing for the party, helped by the fact that BN did not contest but assisted Pas during the campaign period.

Pakatan saw a swing 8.02 percent votes against it. The majority was reduced to 4,027 compared to 19,372 during the 14th general election.

MCA, which contested under its own banner against Pakatan, saw a swing of 4.11 percent for it compared to Pakatan’s 7.46 percent.

This means that even with a very much reduced turnout (49.16 percent of the total turnout during the 14th general election), MCA had failed to make a significant impact on the voters.

The philosopher, Jorge Agustín Nicolás Ruiz de Santayana y Borrás or George Santayana, once said that those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it.  In this case, the MCA had forgotten its own history.

Before the independence of Malaya, both the MCA and Umno were political enemies.  There was already a feeling of discontent among the Malays in the pre-war period over their poor economic position vis-à-vis the Chinese and Indians.

Professors T.H Silcock and Ungku Aziz noted in 1950 that the Malay peasants and fishermen were dependent on Chinese middlemen while Malays worked as messengers in offices where Chinese and Indians were clerks.

However, Umno knew that in order to achieve independence, a long-lasting relationship with other races needed to be forged. It was during the Umno general assembly of 1949 that Onn Jaafar said,

“It is absolutely important for the Malays to obtain closer ties with the other people in this country.  It is time for us to take the wider view than the kampung view. I ask of you, which will you choose, peace or chaos, friendship or enmity?”

Although the grassroots of Umno was against Onn Jaafar’s idea that led him to leave the party two years later, it opened up a door for both the MCA Selangor Branch and Kuala Lumpur Umno branch to work together in the Federation’s first local elections.

Both Umno and MCA competed against each other and against other parties in Pulau Pinang in December 1951.

MCA had only managed to obtain the support from the Chinese while Umno the Malays. It was Datuk Yahya Abdul Razak from the Kuala Lumpur Umno branch who approached Selangor MCA branch chairman, H.S Lee to discuss the possibility of a cooperation of the two parties.

In January 1952, both branches of the two parties announced that they were jointly-contesting the Kuala Lumpur elections.

The Umno-MCA alliance won 10,340 votes while Onn Jaafar’s IMP won 6,641 votes. MIC joined the alliance in 1954.

This alliance went on to win all but one seats in the 1955 general election.  The rest is history.

In the past, MCA relied on the English-speaking, urban-dwelling portion of the Chinese community who make up about 10 percent of the seven million Chinese people in this country.

That 10 percent is now drowned in smugness and disconnect as they now have the DAP to represent them in the Pakatan Harapan government despite how telling it is that the Pakatan Harapan government is not really interested in reforms.

MCA now needs to go down to the rural ground to try and win the voters back.

There is no way that the MCA can do this all alone by itself. It still needs Umno, MIC and even Pas to help it make a breakthrough.

This can only come about with a rebranding of the approach, and the fight for a common good, with the protection for all races remaining intact.

(This article first appeared on The Mole)

UMNO Needs To Revisit Its Past

It has been more than a month since UMNO’s disastrous show in its history of general elections. Although as an individual party UMNO has the most number of parliamentary seats won, it effectively controls two states – a far cry from the grand old party it once was.

As a party, it has failed to show its support for its leadership (I shall go into this a bit more later) it failed to garner the support of the young and first time voters; it failed to retain the support of those who have been its staunch supporters. Most importantly, UMNO failed to remember the reason for very existence.

I sense nothing but trepidation in the first few weeks after the general elections when one by one government institutions come under “reforms”, and then the attacks on the Rulers Institution, namely the institution of the Yang DiPertuan Agong. Hardly any word came out from UMNO’s leadership save for those that came from the normal members.

The strong hands that led to the resignation of two of our nation’s top judges also did not result in strong rebukes from UMNO despite it being a direct interference by one instrument of His Majesty’s government into another.

Of course I am of the opinion that the two top judges are also idiots for caving in and resigning as demanded. It was their job to show the independence of the judiciary and to protect the integrity of their institution, yet they failed miserably to show the example of stewardship to their subordinates as those in charge of that institution.

UMNO is a far cry of what it was back in the late 1970s, let alone what it was in 1946. Losing its power to govern also means that UMNO no longer enjoys the facilities that come with being a government. There have been members who left the party for the other side just because funds are no longer readily available as it was prior to May 9.

Branches find it difficult to hold their annual general meetings because the community halls are no longer available to them. Furthermore, they do not receive sufficient funds to hold their meetings at hotel meeting rooms. They have never had it this difficult and have no institutional memory of how it was before 1981 and Malaysia Incorporated. Members simply do not have the same fighting spirit possessed by their forefathers. What has happened to the ‘unity is strength spirit?

Furthermore, branches were set up without actually soliciting the support of the local residents. You can find that many of the branches are filled with people who are not from where the branch is actually located. How can these people understand the local issues? Branch leadership pays the annual membership fees for fear of being deregistered. How many UMNO members actually go to their respective branch to pay their annual dues?
Which is why at every UMNO General Assembly the Secretary-General would read out the number of UMNO members to-date, not realising that those are false numbers. It would have been almost impossible for UMNO to only get 2.55 million votes, including from non-UMNO members when there are 4 million members!

When the President was attacked from outside and within the party three years ago, hardly anyone stood up to defend him save for a few like Rahman Dahlan, Salleh Said and Ahmad Maslan. There was no ‘defending of the institution of the President’. It was every man for himself. I am of the opinion that members are to defend the leadership of the party when attacked, and change the leadership from within if needed.

How many division actually hold sessions with all members to explain about party policies, how to handle current critical issues after each general assembly? How many members who represented the division members actually attend the general assembly to listen to the speeches and proposals put forth by each state, instead of wanting to get as close as possible to personalities trying to push proposals or hand business cards to them?

There was very little done by UMNO divisions and branches to win the hearts and minds of the community they were supposed to represent. I only see programmes done for their own members.

On the federal level, you see more of UMNO members and members of the BN component parties attending ministerial events than from members of the local community. I chanced upon an event attended by a former federal minister who was lending support to a BN parliamentary candidate in one of my rounds to gauge the election temperature. Of the hundreds who attended, perhaps only a handful – less than 100 were from the local community. The rest were those who were following the former Minister, members of the RELA, police, local council and government officers from an agency the former Minister presided. You cannot gauge how much do the locals actually like the candidate because they were swamped by these extras.

UMNO is also famous for having one-off self-gratification programmes – blood donation, voters registration, skateboarding, free car wash. Unlike with the DAP, there were no follow-ups, no explanation done on why voters should be voting for BN, what a BN victory would mean for the voters.

UMNO’s information machinery at the branch and division levels was also absent. I have never seen any UMNO ‘ceramah’ at any kampung except during by-elections and general elections. Now that UMNO is the opposition, where is this machinery? It has been one month but everyone seems to be busy eyeing for party positions. Pakatan was already at it the moment the results of the previous general elections came out, and they never stopped.

UMNO needs a total overhaul and improvement in terms of mind-set, approach and its constitution. It needs to look at how PAS conducts itself as an opposition party, and its consistency.
In its party elections delegates would have to forget nostalgia. Some have not moved on from the ‘Najib Days’. Wake up. Najib is gone. He has stepped down. He may have been the best Prime Minister and party president but his branding failed. There is no point reviving that.

Instead, UMNO needs to look forward and have an approach that is outside the box. Vote for different people to do different things. The party president should not also be the person who is the Prime Minister-designate. The Prime Minister-designate should also not be the parliamentary Leader of the Opposition. UMNO would be better run if these three people are different people altogether. And top party offices cannot be held for more than two terms.

UMNO also needs to open up to members of other races – not necessarily as members, but members of an appendage: Friends of UMNO, who cannot vote in party meetings, but can run on UMNO ticket during elections. After all, UMNO used to have non-Malay members. PAS has been successful with this approach. There are so many BN-friendly non-Malays out there who do not want to be associated with the other BN component parties (there are only four BN parties left) but support the BN concept.

Talking about membership, UMNO should also allow for direct memberships, approved only at the headquarters level. This would allow for young professionals to join the party without being blocked by branch or division heads. And do away with the quota system if it is still there. As long as a member gets one nomination from a branch (or division for a national-level post), he or she should be eligible to run for any post in the division.

If UMNO is serious about making a comeback, it needs to forget the form it morphed into after 1981. It needs to evolve, incorporating the non-Malays for support, have its leadership subscribe to more accountability. Most importantly it needs to embrace the spirit of 1946 and have members who would not mind sacrificing for the party without ever expecting anything back. It needs to have hundreds of its own Rafizis without the negative aspects, and an information machinery that is aggressively going out there to win the hearts and minds of the masses. UMNO has to become a constructive opposition, with real professionals running and representing the party.

Until then, it can just dream on and wait for another 61 years.

(This article was first published by The Mole)

Penghinaan Terhadap Veteran ATM Oleh Veteran Pencacai

tugunegara

Tugu Negara merupakan suatu simbol untuk kita mengingati para veteran ATM khususnya dalam dua episod darurat menentang keganasan Parti Komunis Malaya.

Dalam Darurat Pertama (1948-1960) seramai 1,346 orang anggota tentera dan polis telah terbunuh manakala 2,406 lagi cedera.  2,478 orang awam juga turut terbunuh manakala 810 orang hilang menjadi mangsa komunis.

Dalam Darurat Kedua (1968-1989), pasukan keselamatan Malaysia kehilangan 155 orang pegawai dan anggota manakala 854 orang tercedera.

Sukar bagi para VATM dan rakyat Malaysia yang telah melalui kedua-dua fasa darurat tersebut untuk melupakan sejarah pahit dan hitam yang terpaksa ditempuhi hanya kerana para pengganas di bawah Chin Peng yang ingin menjadikan Malaysia sebuah negara komunis.

Ramai di kalangan para VATM yang merasakan seperti jasa mereka tidak dikenang oleh pihak kerajaan Malaysia.  Ramai yang berhenti awal akibat gaji yang kecil.  Mereka pulang ke kampung dan lebih rela membuat kerja-kerja kampung dari terus berkhidmat.    Walaupun Malaysia menjadi sebuah negara membangun yang unggul pada tahun 1980an hingga 2003, nasib para VATM tidak pernah berubah.  Nasib baik sejak 2009, kerajaan mula mengambil langkah untuk sedaya-upaya membantu nasib VATM yang telah banyak berjasa.  Anda boleh baca di antara langkah-langkah yang telah diambil kerajaan untuk menjaga VATM dalam salah satu penulisan saya sebelum ini.

Ribuan anak para pegawai dan anggota tentera dan polis telah menjadi yatim akibat kekejaman Chin Peng dan pengganas-pengganas di bawahnya. Namun ada di kalangan mereka yang mengaku rakyat Malaysia pernah desak kerajaan untuk membenarkan Chin Peng pulang ke Malaysia walaupun beliau tidak pernah menjadi warganegara bukan sahaja Malaysia, tetapi Persekutuan Tanah Melayu sebelum ini.

Tujuan mereka tidak lain tidak bukan hanya ingin menjadikan Chin Peng idola kaum cina DAP selain Lim Kit Siang.  Malah selepas mampusnya Chin Peng, Lim Kit Siang terus desak kerajaan untuk benarkan abu Chin Peng dibawa masuk ke Malaysia!

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Lim Kit Siang mendesak kerajaan untuk membenarkan abu Chin Peng untuk dibawa masuk ke Malaysia

Sepertimana orang Melayu mempunyai Leftenan Adnan, Lim Kit Siang mahu jadikan Chin Peng idola bagi Cina DAP.

Terkini, orang yang kononnya telah berkhidmat untuk negara memerangi komunis kini berganding bahu dengan orang yang memuja Chin Peng untuk menjatuhkan kerajaan yang memelihara agama Islam sebagai agama Persekutuan, serta hak keistimewaan Bumiputera Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak.

Orang tersebut ialah Arshad Raji yang sejak berhenti dari perkhidmatan sekitar tahun 2008/2009 tidak habis-habis menghentam kerajaan di dalam blognya ketika itu.  Beliau sering menceritakan pahit maung bertugas sebagai seorang pegawai tentera dan mendesak kerajaan agar membantu kebajikan ATM.  Adakah beliau lupa 22 tahun daripada jumlah perkhidmatan beliau dalam keadaan susah itu berada dalam zaman Mahathir?

Dan seperti yang saya nyatakan di atas, kerajaan yang ada sekarang ini telah banyak menambah bantuan kebajikan bukan sahaja untuk para anggota dan pegawai ATM yang masih berkhidmat, malah juga untuk mereka yang bakal bersara (termasuk bersara tanpa pencen), dan juga VATM.

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Arshad Raji: Dulu perang melawan Chin Peng. Kini bersekongkol dengan Lim Kit Siang yang merupakan pemuja Chin Peng

Maka, kepada para veteran ATM dan rakyat Malaysia yang mahu mengenang jasa dan pengorbanan para VATM dan polis, serta pahit getir kehidupan yang terpaksa dilalui oleh balu serta anak mereka yang yatim, ketahuilah bahawa Arshad Raji ini hanyalah keldai DAP dan penjilat Mahathir.

Cakap berdegar kata beliau hanya setia kepada Raja dan Negara, tetapi diam apabila Mahathir bersikap kurang ajar terhadap Sultan Johor dan Sultan Selangor.  Adakah kerana Sultan Johor dan Sultan Selangor bukan Yang DiPertuan Agong?  Ini membuktikan Arshad Raji buta Perlembagaan kerana Raja-Raja Melayulah yang berkuasa melantik dan memecat Yang DiPertuan Agong.  Yang DiPertuan Agong itu adalah dari kalangan Raja-Raja Melayu, maka kesetiaan kepada Raja dan Negara itu bermakna setia kepada semua Raja-Raja Melayu.

Apa yang keldai DAP dan Mahathir ini tahu?  Beliau hanya sedap membalun kerajaan tetapi lupa beliau hanya orang awam yang sudah meniti usia senja tetapi masih ingat beliau seorang yang penting.  Lim Kit Siang yang hendak menghapuskan kedaulatan Islam di Malaysia ini pun boleh beliau jadikan ketua.

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Arshad Raji – askar Lim Kit Siang

Tolak Arshad Raji – pencacai DAP dan penjilat Mahathir yang sanggup membelot rakan-rakan terutamanya yang telah mati akibat Parti Komunis Malaya.  Undilah pada hari Rabu ini untuk menolak para pemuja Chin Peng. Beliau bukan lagi patriot, sebaliknya pengkhianat!

Ingat! Satu undi untuk PKR/Pakatan Harapan bersamaan dengan satu undi untuk DAP yang memuja Chin Peng.

Hanya Satu Undi Membezakan Sama Ada Islam Memerintah Atau Diperintah

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Pada bulan Ogos 2012, saya telah berpeluang untuk berbuka puasa dengan 120 orang Islam bekas murtad dan mereka menceritakan kepada saya bagaimana liciknya taktik yang digunakan pihak-pihak evangelis untuk memurtadkan orang Islam di Malaysia.

Ramai dari kalangan para pemegang jawatan dalam DAP adalah mereka yang beragama Kristian dan agak fanatik.  Di antara mereka yang tersenarai sebagai beragama Kristian dari kalangan pemegang jawatan dalam DAP termasuk Lim Guan Eng, Tony Pua, Teresa Kok, Hannah Yeoh, Ong Kian Ming, dan Yeo Bee Yin.

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Saya juga pernah menulis betapa liciknya cara mereka memasukkan jarum evangelis di kalangan orang Melayu Islam hinggakan ada dari kalangan orang Melayu yang berjubah dan bertudung kini merupakan apa yang digelar oleh para pendakwah evangelis sebagai Messianic Muslims.

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Sekarang kita lihat pula baju T yang dipakai oleh Tony Pua dalam satu videonya:

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Saya ingin tumpu kepada perkataan HARAPAN itu sendiri.

HARAPAN adalah HOPE di dalam Bahasa Inggeris. Menurut John Piper, pengasas DesiringGod.org dan seorang Canselor di Bethlehem College and Seminary di Amerika Syarikat, makna HOPE (HARAPAN) dalam Bahasa Inggeris mungkin menjurus kepada menantikan sesuatu yang tidak pasti akan berlaku.  Namun dalam pengajaran Kristian, HOPE atau HARAPAN adalah keyakinan/kepercayaan terhadap sesuatu yang telah dijanjikan oleh Tuhan, atau dalam bahasa mudahnya: AQIDAH (FAITH).

Menurut kitab Injil, “Kepercayaan datangnya dari mendengar, dan mendengar kata-kata Tuhan.” (Romans 10:17).

Lihat gambar di atas – perkataan yang tertera di bahagian depan baju beliau ialah HOPE.  Adakah disebabkan pengaruh Islam dalam Pakatan telah dihapuskan dengan tidak termasuknya PAS di dalam Pakatan yang baharu maka Pakatan kini digelar Pakatan HARAPAN?

Adakah secara kebetulan juga Reverend Bernard Paul pernah mengutus jemputan kepada semua yang beragama Kristian untuk “menubuhkan kerajaan Tuhan di negara ini” dengan menolak kerajaan Barisan Nasional yang diketuai UMNO, sebuah parti Melayu yang memelihara Islam sebagai agama Persekutuan serta Raja-Raja Melayu sebagai payung agama Islam dan adat-istiadat orang Melayu?

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Mungkin HARAPAN ini ada kena-mengena dengan apa yang disebut dalam Kitab Injil melalui Zechariah 14:9 iaitu:

“Tuhan akan menjadi raja atas seluruh bumi. Pada hari itu Tuhan akan menjadi satu dan namanya hanya satu.”

Ada di kalangan rakan-rakan yang menyokong Pakatan Harapan menyenaraikan jumlah calon beragama Islam dalam Pakatan Harapan yang lebih banyak berbanding yang dicalonkan oleh Barisan Nasional, dan ini menunjukkan bahawa DAP bukanlah sebuah parti yang dominan.  Mereka gagal menyedari bahawa ianya hanyalah jumlah pencalonan, bukannya jumlah kerusi yang dimenangi.

Mereka juga bertanya, apa bezanya dengan UMNO yang mengambil MCA, MIC dan lain-lain parti bukan Islam sebagai rakan seperjuangan?  Jawapannya: UMNO merupakan parti yang mempunyai kerusi terbanyak, manakala rakan-rakannya yang bukan Islam menyokong dasar-dasar kerajaan yang memelihara kedaulatan agama Islam.

Berbeza dengan Pakatan Harapan di mana DAP merupakan parti dominan.  Sejak memenangi Selangor pada tahun 2008, jumlah gereja di Subang Jaya mengatasi jumlah masjid.  Subang Jaya yang mempunyai seramai 1.7 juta penduduk hanya mempunyai 8 buah masjid tetapi jumlah gereja menurut Google Maps adalah sebanyak 42 buah.  Mereka juga mempertikaikan kuasa DYMM Sultan Selangor sebagai Ketua Agama negeri Selangor dalam isu pengharaman penggunaan kalimah Allah dalam kitab Injil berbahasa Melayu.

Jelas mereka yang bukan beragama Islam yang berada dalam Barisan Nasional adalah mereka yang Dzimmi, manakala yang berada dalam Pakatan adalah yang Harbi.

Pada Pilihanraya Umum Ke-13, berikut adalah kerusi yang dipertandingi oleh setiap parti dalam Pakatan Rakyat, dan jumlah yang dimenanginya:

  • PKR bertanding di 99 buah kerusi. Menang 28 buah kerusi. 16 orang Ahli Parlimen beragama Islam.
  • DAP bertanding di 51 buah kerusi. Menang 36 buah kerusi. Hanya 2 orang Ahli Parlimen beragama Islam (termasuk mu’alaf Zairil Khir Johari bin Abdullah)
  • PAN (serpihan dari PAS) mempunyai 7 buah kerusi yang kesemuanya Ahli Parlimen beragama Islam.
  • Pribumi (serpihan dari UMNO) hanya mempunyai 1 buah kerusi yang Ahli Parlimennya beragama Islam.
  • Warisan (serpihan UMNO dan PKR) mempunyai 2 buah kerusi yang hanya seorang Ahli Parlimennya beragama Islam.

Daripada 74 buah kerusi Parlimen yang dipegang oleh Pakatan Harapan sehingga bubarnya Dewan Rakyat tempohari, hanya 27 buah kerusi sahaja (36.5 peratus) yang dipegang oleh Ahli Parlimen beragama Islam.  Berbeza dengan Barisan Nasional yang memegang 125 buah kerusi tetapi Ahli Parlimennya yang beragama Islam berjumlah 93 orang (74.4 peratus).

Dikuatkan lagi dengan perlembagaan DAP sebagai parti dominan Pakatan Harapan yang memperjuangkan, selain penghapusan keistimewaan Bumiputera Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak, mereka memperjuangkan juga sebuah negara sekular dan hak agama selain Islam untuk dijadikan setaraf dengan Islam tanpa undang-undang yang mendiskriminasikan agama-agama lain (seperti Undang-Undang Syariah, kedaulatan agama Islam sebagai agama Persekutuan Malaysia).  Jika anda tidak percaya, tontonilah video yang berikut:

Anda baca sendiri petikan daripada perlembagaan DAP dan bandingkan dengan apa yang telah disampaikan oleh Lim Guan Eng di atas:

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Perenggan 4 di mana DAP akan menghapuskan keistimewaan Bumiputera Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak
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Perenggan 2 menjadikan Perlembagaan Malaysia perlembagaan sekular dan menghapuskan hak keistimewaan Bumiputera Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak
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Jika Perenggan 4 ini dapat DAP laksanakan, maka hak untuk murtad juga akan dipertahankan oleh Pakatan Harapan

Mungkin ada yang mengatakan bagaimana DAP hendak hapuskan hak keistimewaan Bumiputera, kedaulatan agama Islam, sedangkan ianya mustahil kerana Raja-Raja Melayu masih ada memayungkan perkara-perkara tersebut?

Jangan kita lupa, orang yang hapuskan kekebalan Raja-Raja Melayu kini bersekongkol dengan DAP dalam Pakatan Harapan.  Kalau kekebalan Raja-Raja Melayu itu sendiri boleh dihapuskan beliau, apatah lagi kedaulatan Islam sebagai agama Persekutuan Malaysia dan juga hak keistimewaan Bumiputera Semenanjung, Sabah dan Sarawak?

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9 haribulan ini, anda buatlah keputusan yang baik. Satu undi yang anda buang pada hari Rabu ini akan membezakan sama ada anda masih memerintah, atau anda diperintah.

Disokong yang Dzimmi, atau ditentang yang Harbi?  Satu undi anda itu untuk siapa?

Undi Awal? Tiada Masalah

Pagi ini Angkatan Tentera Malaysia dan Polis DiRaja Malaysia akan membuang undi awal. Saya berpeluang membuang undi awal beberapa kali semasa masih dalam perkhidmatan.

Baru-baru ini Mahathir ada menulis dua pucuk surat yang ditujukan kepada panglima-panglima perkhidmatan dalam ATM dan juga kepada warga ATM dan PDRM dengan pesanan agar mengundi dengan bebas tanpa dipaksa oleh mana-mana pihak untuk mengundi calon dan parti tertentu.

Ianya bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran buruk bahawa warga ATM dan juga PDRM akan diarah untuk memberi undi kepada calon dan parti tertentu.

Sepanjang saya mengundi dalam perkhidmatan belum pernah lagi sesiapa pun memaksa saya mengundi calon atau parti yang saya tidak sokong. Walaupun kami setia kepada Seri Paduka dan negara serta kerajaan Seri Paduka, pilihan sokongan politik tetap menjadi hak persendirian dan adalah rahsia.

Ini disahkan juga oleh Mejar Jeneral Datuk Zaharin Ahmad TUDM (Bersara) yang telah berkhidmat selama 42 tahun dengan jawatan akhir sebagai Juruiring kepada DYMM Seri Paduka Baginda Yang DiPertuan Agong.

Proses pembuangan undi awal adalah sama sahaja dengan proses pembuangan undi biasa. Akan terdapat pegawai SPR dan juga agen calon-calon yang bertanding hadir di tempat membuang undi. Maka agak mustahil untuk sebarang penyelewengan undi berlaku.

Mungkin Mahathir takut kerana beliau mungkin pernah mengarahkan agar tentera dan polis mengundi Barisan Nasional semasa beliau menjadi Perdana Menteri dulu, namun hakikatnya tiada paksaan pernah berlaku.

Proses pembuangan undi awal dan biasa tidak pernah tercemar dahulu hingga sekarang. Mungkin alasan yang diberi hanya sebagai persediaan sekiranya Pakatan kalah sekali lagi.

Umur dah lanjut, tua dan ganyut, tolonglah ingat maut.