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Posts Tagged ‘Sabah

You belajar dulu jadi Menteri, lepas tu baru bercakap. Sebab, kita kena ingat. Dalam politik ni kita jangan cakap besar!

Itulah kata-kata Menteri Kerajaan Padang Rengas yang ditujukan kepada Menteri Pelancongan, Kesenian, Kebudayaan, Belia dan Sukan Sarawak Abdul Karim Rahman Hamzah selepas Abdul Karim menyatakan ketidaksetujuan beliau dengan cadangan mengenakan cukai bilik bagi hotel-hotel di negeri Sarawak.

You cakap besar, you tunjuk samseng, kita lebih samseng lagi.

Saya rasa tidak ada sesiapa pun yang akan mempertikaikan siapa samseng paling besar di negara ini.

‘Brutoh Lu!”

Tindakan Nazri tersebut telah dipandang oleh bukan sahaja rakyat negeri Sarawak, malah seluruh Malaysia sebagai biadab dan keterlaluan.  Ianya diihat sebagai takbur dan merosakkan usaha Najib Razak yang menjadi Perdana Menteri pertama yang membawa lebih banyak pembangunan kepada Sabah dan Sarawak setelah diabaikan sekian lama oleh Perdana Menteri yang mempunyai 22 tahun peluang.

Ianya seolah-olah beliau tidak menghormati semangat setiakawan parti-parti komponen Barisan Nasional, dan juga seolah-olah beliau bertindak sebagai seorang Menteri di dalam kerajaan beliau sendiri.

Tidak cukup dengan penghinaan yang telah dilakukan, beliau terus menghina Abdul Karim dengan gelaran “Menteri Setahun Jagung.”

Nazri menggelar Abdul Karim “Menteri Setahun Jagung”

Reaksi pertama ditunjukkan oleh Ketua Menteri Sarawak, Abang Zohari yang lebih dikenali sebagai Abang Jo.  Beliau telah mengeluarkan kenyataan menarik keluar penyertaan negeri Sarawak dari Lembaga Pelancongan Negara.

Kenyataan dari Pejabat Ketua Menteri Sarawak

Bagaimanapun, Nazri dengan bongkaknya berkata “Kehidupan akan berterusan dan tiada apa-apa pun yang terjejas (dari penarikan diri negeri Sarawak itu).”

Reaksi seterusnya dari Menteri-Menteri kabinet Malaysia adalah dari Abdul Rahman Dahlan yang berasal dari Sabah dan juga Fadillah Yusof dari Sarawak yang juga merupakan Pengerusi Belia Barisan Nasional negeri Sarawak.

Twitter Abdul Rahman Dahlan yang menyelar tindakan Nazri

Mungkin Nazri merasakan dirinya besar.  Bukan sahaja beliau akui beliau lebih samseng dari orang lain, malah merasakan juga bahawa beliau lebih besar dari orang lain.  Beliau pernah berkata bahawa beliau lebih besar dari Ketua Jabatan Hal Ehwal Khas, Puad Zarkashi, semasa mengulas kenyataan Puad menyuruh kedua-dua individu yang menyebabkan kemelut terkini FGV untuk meletak jawatan.

Walaupun dalam video di atas Menteri Kerajaan Padang Rengas tersebut menyatakan bahawa tiada sesiapa patut bercakap besar dalam politik, beliau sering bercakap tak serupa bikin.

Sikap besar kepala beliau dikongsi bersama oleh isteri muda beliau yang juga merupakan Timbalan Menteri Kerajaan Padang Rengas, Haflin.  Haflin, yang bukan Datin Bergelar kerana merupakan BUKAN isteri pertama yang masih hidup, telah mengejek Abdul Karim melalui akaun Instagram beliau.

Ejekan Haflin mengenai kenyataan “setahun jagung”

Haflin juga telah mengherdik mereka yang tidak bersetuju dengan perbuatan Nazri.

Haflin memarahi orang yang membuat komen negatif terhadap Nazri

Haflin adalah Timbalan Menteri Kerajaan Padang Rengas kerana sering menjalankan tugas-tugas di luar negeri bagi ihak beliau sedangkan Kementerian Pelancongan masih ada Timbalan Menteri, KSU, TKSU serta Ketua Pengarah Kementerian yang sepatutnya membuat tugas tersebut.

Siapa Haflin? Adakah beliau juga besar dari Abdul Karim dan Puad Zarkashi?

Apabila disoal siapakah dia dalam Kementerian Pelancongan, ini jawapan beliau:

Saya rasa orang-orang yang sering membalun Rosmah Mansor pun kini tahu Rosmah tak kepoh macam si Haflin.  Malah Rosmah banyak menghabiskan masa memberi makan dan mengaji bersama anak-anak yatim dan para pelajar tahfiz hampir setiap malam di kediaman beliau.

Nazri bagaikan tidak menghiraukan kesan yang mungkin akan menjejaskan usaha Barisan Nasional Sarawak untuk memenangi pilihanraya DUN Pujut.  Dalam video di atas, Nazri menyatakan bahawa DUN Pujut memang milik DAP. Sekiranya BN Sarawak kalah di Pujut maka ianya tidak memberi kesan kepada BN.

Persoalannya ialah: adakah tindak-tanduk Nazri ini dilakukan untuk mengalihkan tumpuan para pemerhati politik dan rakyat dari kemelut yang dihadapi rakan baik beliau Lim Guan Eng?

Buddy-buddy gittew – Samseng Utara dan Samseng Padang Rengas

Lim Guan Eng yang kini bukan sahaja cuba menyelamatkan diri dari dibicarakan di atas tuduhan perlakuan rasuah, tetapi juga mengenai kepincangan pentadbiran kerajaan negeri Pulau Pinang serta kelemahan pengurusan kewangan negeri.  Nazri yang secara terbuka berkawan dan memberi sokongan kepada Lim Guan Eng mungkin berfikir beliau perlu mengalihkan perhatian ramai dari isu Lim Guan Eng kepada Sarawak.

Tidak hairanlah apabila wanita pengamal media sosial tersohor Cik Lim Sian See juga membuat kenyataan mengenai perangai samseng Nazri yang dipelajari dari sahabat karibnya dari Pulau Pinang itu.

Gambar yang dikongsi oleh Cik Lim Sian See mengenai Nazri dan Tokong

Mahu tidak mahu Najib Razak juga yang kini terpaksa membersihkan najis yang telah dilepaskan oleh Nazri.  Telah terlalu banyak yang dilabur oleh Najib Razak untuk menentukan pembangunan yang dibawa ke Sabah dan Sarawak akan membantu menaik taraf kehidupan rakyat di kedua-dua buah negeri tersebut dengan harapan mereka terus memberi sokongan padu kepada kerajaan Barisan Nasional baik di peringkat negeri mahupun pusat.  Terpaksalah Najib Razak membuat satu keputusan yang jitu untuk mengatasi najis yang telah dilemparkan oleh Nazri kepada rakyat Sarawak.

Sudah tiba masanya samseng tersebut diajar makna adab kerana perbuatannya terhadap sokongan yang diraih Najib Razak dari Sarawak itu tidak lain tidak bukan tetapi umpama Julius Caesar ditikam oleh Brutus dari belakang.

Brutoh la!

Colonial passport for the colonised people of North Borneo

For the previous installment on religion, please click HERE.

 

Dr Jeffrey Kitingan also raised the point on language on pages 11-12 of his book, ‘The 20 Points – Basis for Federal – State Relations for Sabah, 1987′.  Language was the second point of the 20-Point Memorandum put forth before Malaysia was formed.

His points were, that:

  1. Malay should be the national language of the Federation;
  2. English should continue to be used for a period of ten years after Malaysia Day;
  3. English should be the official language of North Borneo, for all purposes, State or Federal, without limitation of law.

Dr Jeffrey wrote that it was Tun Mustapha’s administration that had changed the status of English by passing a bill and introducing a new clause 11A into the State Constitution, making Bahasa Malaysia the officia language of the State Cabinet and the State Legislative Assembly.

At the same time, he claimed, the National Language (Application) Enactment, 1973 was passed purporting to approve the extension of an Act of Parliament terminating or restricting the use of English for other official purposes in Sabah.

He also said that the National Language Act, 1963/67 was only amended in 1983 to allow it to be extended to Sabah by a State enactment, but no such enactment had been passed.  Therefore, the National Language Act, 1963/67 is still not in force in Sabah.

He claims that the amendments hae brought about the following consequences:

  1. Many civil servants who were schooled in English are employed as temporary or contract officers because of their inability to pass the Bahasa Malaysia examination.
  2. The change in the medium of instruction in schools have affected the standard of teaching due to lack of qualified Bahasa Malaysia teachers.
  3. The teaching of other native languages has been relegated to the background.

Now, let us see what the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC), the Cobbold Commission, the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) as well as the Federation of Malaysia Agreement had to say about the points raised above.

Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC) Memorandum

On Page 122 of the MSCC Memorandum, the Committee accepted that the Federation should have a national language and placed no objection to the adoption of the National Language of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore and Brunei (the Malay language) as it is the lingua franca of the region.

However, the MSCC had asked the Parliament to make provision for the English language to remain to be used for a period of TEN YEARS after the formation of the new Federation in 1963.  This is in light of the same period given to the states in the Federation of Malaya in the Federation of Malaya Constitution that is TEN YEARS after 1957.

The Cobbold Commission

According to the Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak (the Cobbold Commission) dated 21 June 1962 on page 54, the objection to the use of Bahasa Melayu as the language of the Federation and its application to North Borneo and Sarawak are matters that the people of the two states should resolve themselves when fully-elected representative bodies have been constituted.

The Chairman and members from Malaya do not think that their opinion of Bahasa Melayu being the language closest to those spoken in the region and therefore should be the lingua franca should not offend the non-Malays and any derogation from the Federal provision is necessary.

On the issue of official languages the Cobbold Commission found that there is majority support for both Bahasa Melayu and English to be used as the official languages in both the Borneo states without any time limit.  This was the view of the Chairman of the Commission and its British members.

The members from Malaya however thought that with MALAYSIA in total consideration such provision cannot be accepted as it breaches the existing provisions in the Federation of Malaya Constitution.  Therefore the Malayan members recommend that a provision be made without affecting the position of Bahasa Melayu as the official language of the Federation where English shall continue to be an official language in the states of North Borneo and Sarawak along with Bahasa Melayu for a period of ten years after the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia.

This shall continue until such time the Federal government in consultation with the State governments provides otherwise.  The same was recommended for application to the indigenous languages used in debates and discussions in the respective state assemblies.

The Chairman and the British members however opined that there should be no time limit applied to the indigenous languages, until and unless the State governments decide otherwise.

The Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC)

The IGC on Page 26 of its report recommended that Bahasa Melayu be made the official language of the Federation of Malaysia but Article 152 of the Constitution should be modified for its application to the Borneo states as follows:

  1. For a period of TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day and until the State Assemblies provide otherwise, English becomes an official language not just for the State Assemblies but also in other official purposes of both State and Federal, including correspondences with Ministries and Federal departments.
  2. For a period of TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day and until the Parliament of Malaysia provides otherwise, English shall be allowed to be used by representatives from the Borneo states in both Houses of Parliament.
  3. For a period of TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day and until both State Assemblies provide otherwise, all proceedings in the Supreme Court for cases involving cases from the Borneo states and all proceedings in the High Courts of both Borneo States shall be conducted in English.
  4. Until the State Assemblies provide otherwise all proceedings in the subordinate Courts in the Borneo states other than the taking of evidence, shall be in English.

Of course at the end of it all parties agreed upon something hence the Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963 was signed.  So what does the Agreement say?

Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963

Taking into account the recommendations and points made in the MSCC, the Cobbold Commission and the IGC, the Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963 on pages 42 and 43 made provisions that no Act of Parliament terminating or restricting the use of English for the purposes stated below shall come until TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day:

  1. the use of the English language by the representatives from the Borneo states in either house of Parliament,
  2. the use of the English language for proceedings in the High and Subordinate Courts of Borneo until the State Assemblies provide for otherwise, or for proceedings in the Federal Court that involves cases from the Borneo states,
  3. the use of the English language in the Borneo states in the Legislative Assemblies or for other official purpose including the purpose of the Federal Government,
  4. the use of native languages in the native courts and in the case of Sarawak, the use of native languages in the State Assembly until otherwise provided for by an Enactment of the legislature.

During the Tun Mustapha Administration the status of the English language was altered in a bill by inserting a new clause called Clause 11A into the Sabah State Constitution, 1989 (pages 17-18), making Bahasa Malaysia as the official language of the Sabah Cabinet and of the State Legislative Assembly.

The content of this Clause is as follows:

“Without prejudice to clause (8) of Article 24, the official language of the State Cabinet and the Legislative Assembly shall be in Bahasa Malaysia:

Provided that:-

a) notwithstanding the provisions of this Article, the English language may be used for such period and for such purposes as may for the time be provided by or in accordance with Article 152 of the Federal Constitution; and

b) an official English version shall be provided of anything which is required to be printed or reduced into writing and may be published in the Gazzette.”

However, Jeffrey disputes the passing of the National Language (Application) Enactment, 1973 that allegedly allows the application of an Act of Parliament to terminate or restrict the use of the English language for other official purposes in Sabah.  This preceded the National Language Act 1963/67 that was only amended in 1983 to allow it to be applied to Sabah through a state enactment.  Nonetheless, there was no state enactment on the matter that was passed as of 1991.  As such, as of 1991 the National Language Act, 1963/67 was still not enforced in Sabah.

Based on the Federation of Malaysia Agreement (Malaysia Agreement), 1963, it is clear that the position of the English language as an official language can be altered TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day.  It was put into force through a law that was enacted by the State Legislative Assembly of Sabah in 1973.  Having said that, no specific enactment was passed as of 1991 to enforce the National Language (Amendments and Extension) Act, 1983 in Sabah.

Jeffrey Kitingan’s assumptions and allegation pertaining the illegality of the National Language Act, 1963/67 and State Enactment No.7, National Language (Application) Enactment, 1973 which preceded the National Language (Amendments and Extension) Act, 1983 by ten years was more of playing a regional sentiment especially in the context of teaching and learning of the indigenous languages in Sabah.

Questioning the use of Bahasa Malaysia as the official language after 27 years of Sabah being part of the Federation of Malaysia clearly displays the arrogance on Jeffrey’s part, and his refusal to accept the fact that the Bahasa Malaysia is the reflection of the spirit of the people of Malaysia that forms a bridge for all races towards national integration.

In the next installment, we shall talk about the third point – CONSTITUTION.

Colonial passport for the colonised people of North Borneo

For the previous installment on the background, please click here.

In his book on Page 101, Dr Jeffrey Kitingan wrote that although there is no objection to Islam being the religion of the Federation there should not be a STATE RELIGION in North Borneo.  Therefore, anything pertaining to Islam in the MALAYAN CONSTITUTION cannot be applied to NORTH BORNEO.

His grouse on this matter came about as a result of the late Tun Datu Mustapha expelling Christian priests from Sabah and accused both Tun Datu Mustapha and Datuk Harris Salleh of acting in such manner to strengthen their political position with the Federal government, therefore Islam should not be the religion of the state of Sabah.

The above controversial statement goes against the agreements reached as recorded by the Cobbold Commission, the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC) , and the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) in 1962.

According to the memorandum of the MSCC that was chaired by Donald A Stephens (later Chief Minister of Sabah, Tun Fuad Stephens) with representatives from Singapore, Malaya, Sarawak and North Borneo, the MSCC found that the acceptance of Islam as the religion of the Federation does not endanger religious freedom as evident on Page 120 of the MSCC memorandum dated 3 February 1962:

MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120

MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120

The MSCC had scrutinised the position of Islam in respect of states other than the Malay States and found no objection was made against the then-present arrangement for Pulau Pinang and Melaka to also be adopted by North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore.

Each of the states above would have its own constitution to address the requirement with Yang DiPertuan Agong as the Head of Islam in those states.  The respective State’s Assembly will enact laws to govern Islamic affairs and form a Board to advise the Yang DiPertuan Agong on matters pertaining to Islam.

On pages 120 and 121 of the memorandum mentioned it is stated so:

 

MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120-121

MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120-121

In the Report of the Commission of Enquiry (Cobbold Commission), North Borneo and Sarawak, dated 21st June 1962 found that there was everywhere agreement that as the Muslims are minorities in North Borneo and Sarawak, there should be no restrictions on complete freedom of other religions in those states.

Cobbold Commission Report dated 21 June 1962 PP 39

Cobbold Commission Report dated 21 June 1962 PP 39

In relation to that, the Inter-Governmental Committee, headed by Lord Landsdowne produced a report in 1962 and made the following recommendations on religion on Pages 5 and 6 which have been passed by the Sabah (and Sarawak) state assembly as follows:

IGC Report 1962 on Religion PP 5-6

IGC Report 1962 on Religion PP 5-6

The IGC, which has representation from the Federation of Malaya representing the states in the Federation, Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak, recommended that Article 3 needed no amendment.  However, the provision of financial aid to Muslim establishments should only come with the concurrence of the states of North Borneo and Sarawak.  This has since been provided for via Section 3 of the Sabah Islamic Laws Administration Enactment, 1992 where the Yang DiPertuan Agong is the Head of Islam in Sabah, and a Council (Majlis Agama Islam Sabah) was formed to manage and administer the Islamic affairs in Sabah. This has also been provided in the Sabah State Constitution (Articles 5B(1) and 5B(2)).

As mentioned at the beginning of this article, Dr Jeffrey Kitingan was angered by Tun Datu Mustapha’s action to chase out Christian missionaries from Sabah in 11972.  Dr Jeffrey used this as the basis of raising the religion issue that was presented as part of the 20-point memorandum for the inclusion of Sabah into the Federation of Malaysia.

Having understood the reason for his raising the issue again, we must also understand the events that had taken place after Tun Datu Mustapha’s ousting of the Christian missionaries.

Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) won the state elections and formed the Sabah state government in 1985.  From that point up until 1991, the Sabah state government built 825 churches compared to only 216 suraus and mosques.

The state government’s refusal to entertain a request by the Sabah Islamic Council made on the 2nd August 1986 and again on the 12th August 1986 to amend the state’s Shariah Law (Administration) Enactment No.15/77 to accord to the Yang DiPertuan Agong the power to administer Islam in the state of Sabah as required by Article 3(3) of the Federal Constitution (as amended on the 12th August 1976) and Article 5B of the Sabah State Constitution (as amended on the 28th December 1985) clearly denied the Yang DiPertuan Agong His Majesty’s prerogative that was agreed by the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Council, the findings of the Cobbold Commission as well as the Inter-Governmental Committee, and the wishes made by the Muslims of North Borneo in 1962.

The ousting of the Christian missionaries in 1972 was made because the nine missionaries who were foreigners abused the work permit given to them to work in Sabah, not to conduct evagelical missions.  They were Roman Catholics, Anglicans, the Basil Mission and from the Borneo Evangelical Mission.

As Immigration affairs is a Sabah prerogative as accorded in the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, the first act by the Sabah state government under Tun Datu Mustapha was to deny them an extension of their work permit.  They were then given a 14-day special pass to enable them to make arrangements to leave Sabah.  However, the missionaries refused to obey the 13-day order.

Consequently, they were removed from Sabah through a Removal Order issued by the Sabah Immigration Department made under Section 32 of the Immigration Ordinance 12/59.

The Federal government had no role whatsoever in the removal of these missionaries.  It was purely a state decision that was made based on a sound reason – the people of Sabah, regardless of race or religion had been living harmoniously.  However, these missionaries have been sowing the seeds of hatred among the Christians of Sabah towards the Muslims by telling them to fear the “Islamisation” of Christians through forced conversions, a claim the missionaries themselves could not substatiate.

There was a plea made by the Christians in Sabah to the then-Prime Minister for the missionaries to be allowed to remain in Sabah.  Tun Abdul Razak however recommended to the Christians of Sabah to instead allow priests from the Peninsular and Sarawak to replace the nine missionaries.

In his book, Jeffrey Kitingan had profusely spoken about alleged digressions from and breach of the Federation of Malaysia Agreement but avoided on the issue of the Sabah state government of 1985 breaching agreements made by the MSCC, findings of the Cobbold Commission, the IGC as well as the Federal Constitution of Malaysia.

On the contrary, the Federal government has been fulfilling its end of the agreement by allowing the freedom for other religions to be practiced by its followers as per the agreement.

At no point was there any intrusion made by the Federal government in the affairs of Sabah, and that the removal of the missionaries from Sabah for violating the conditions of the work permit was totally a state issue, made using the powers accorded to the state of Sabah, as agreed by all parties that had agreed on the formation of the Federation of Malaysia.

In the next installement, we shall talk about the second point – LANGUAGE.

Colonial passport for the colonised people of North Borneo

Of late, there has been many attempts at attacking the unity of the nation through the skewing of historical facts.  Unfortunately, many in the government, too, do not have institutional memory of what our forefathers had gone through to allow the formation of the Federation of Malaysia.

The same lack of absence of institutional memory has also contributed to inability by many in 2011 to rebut Mat Sabu’s claim that the policemen who died in Bukit Kepong were ‘running dogs’ of the British colonials, and that the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) were true fighters for the independence of Malaya, while Ronnie Liu of the DAP sang the same tune in 2005.

I wrote at length to debunk Mat Sabu, whom I regard as DAP’s own ‘running dog.’  Since then I have embarked on my personal crusade to explain to the people through talks and forums about how the British came to Malaya, the treaties, who were colonised, which parts of Malaya that were not colonised, and what the CPM was fighting for.

On Malaysia Day 2016, I began posting about the making of the Federation of Malaysia.  I started off with the concept of Malaysia, followed by the consultations between the Government of Malaya, the British Government, the representatives from British North Borneo, and the British colony of Sarawak.  Then I wrote about the Reid Commission and reaction from our neighbours.  The last part covered the reasons we have Hari Kebangsaan and Hari Malaysia.

You may want to read the above links before I get into the heavy stuff.

Between now and Hari Malaysia, I shall write about the Sabah 20-Point Agreement.  In 1987, Dr Jeffrey Kitingan had commented on the Memorandum on the 20-Point Agreement for the Inclusion of Sabah into Malaysia.  This memorandum was presented by the leaders of British North Borneo to the Cobbold Commission as a prerequisite for the inclusion of Sabah into Malaysia.

However, the notion that this memorandum had been accepted in toto as the basis of British North Borneo’s inclusion into the Federation of Malaysia alongside the colony of Sarawak, the state of Singapore, and the states of the Federation of Malaya is inaccurate or baseless.

The contents of the Memorandum was not an agreement made by North Borneo, Sarawak, the British Government, and the Government of Malaya but were rather demands made by the leaders of North Borneo as a precursor to the consultations.

What became the basis for the inclusion of Sabah are the points that had been agreed upon by all parties, no more and no less.  After all, why had the leaders of North Borneo agreed for the colony to be included into the new Federation had there not been an agreement for that to happen in the first place?

The lack of understanding as well as misunderstanding of what had been agreed as well as the developments that had taken place since has presented the exploitative opportunity for certain elements to create resentment and anti-Federation sentiments  among the people of Sabah.

Therefore, I shall endeavour to explain and counter the points raised, not only to educate those in Sabah, but to also educate the rest of the people of Malaysia, as well as those in the Federal Government on the latter’s commitment towards not only Sabah, but also Sarawak and the specil privileges that have been accorded to them.

I shall make references to the following:

  • Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak, 21st June 1962;
  • Inter-Governmental Committee Report, 1962;
  • The Sabah State Constitution as at 10th July 1989;
  • The Federation of Malaysia Constitution as in 1989;
  • The Federation of Malaya Constitution as in 1962;
  • The Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee meeting, 3rd February 1962;
  • The Administration of Islamic Law Enactment of Sabah, No.15/77 dated 23rd December 1977;
  • Act 32 (National Language Act 1963/67) as in 1983;
  • The National Language (Application) Enactment of Sabah, 1973; and,
  • The Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963.

In the next part, I shall write about the first point of the memorandum – religion.

In the mean time, have patience and read Another Brick in the Wall’s take, as well as by The Right of Reply, on this issue, written a few years back.

Najib has the Pan Borneo Highway go without toll al the way to Sabah – photo courtesy of Sabahkini

Today, the PAS Secretary-General Datuk Takiyudin Hassan said that the Najib Razak-led government is more open towards the party.

We have always wanted to attend federal programmes, but it was never allowed and we were never invited.  But now, they are more open to having PAS. Maybe that is the new approach,” he said.

Recently,  PAS President Haji Abdul Hadi Awang attended a federal government programme and was seen to be very close to Minister Ahmad Shabery Cheek in a photograph that had set the tongue of his foes wagging.

Najib Razak is in Sabah again today, announcing more initiatives for the youth of Sabah at the launching of Gathering of Rising Entrepreneurs, Act Together (GREAT) 2017 at the Magellen Sutera Harbour Resort in Kota Kinabalu.

Najib said the Sabah government should also set up a centre for young entrepreneurs similar to that of Sarawak’s Borneo744 in Kuching.

If there is a suitable site, I wish to propose the setting-up of a Blue Ocean Entrepreneurs town, making it the second of its kind after Sarawak,” he said.

We must find ways to increase the participation of young people with education, skills, leadership skills and entrepreneurship,” he added.

In another development, Sabah’s Special Tasks Minister Datuk Teo Chee Kang said the state cabinet led by Chief Minister Datuk Seri Musa Aman had a fruitful breakfast meeting with Najib.  Teo said that the state cabinet had put forward its claims for a review of the special federal monetary grants, mandatory every five years under Article 112D of the Federal Constitution.

Among the things on Sabah’s wishlist given to Najib is for Sabah to be given back the power to make laws and regulate the production and distribution of gas and electricity be delegated back to Sabah, a state power which was taken away during U-Turn Mahathir’s time in 1983.

Wasn’t Mahathir a Sabah-friendly PM?

According to Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan in 2016, Mahathir was the worst PM for Sabah.

He introduced ‘Project IC’ and told me not to ‘teach’ the people what they didn’t know (Sabah rights),” he said in his statement via Whatsapp to Borneo Post.

Jeffrey also pointed out in 2013 that it was vital that the federal government clean up the mess created by (former prime minister) Dr Mahathir Mohamad in Sabah which had put Sabah and its citizens at perpetual risk.

They made Sabah insecure by supporting Muslim rebellion in the Philippines and supplying them weapons, giving them refuge and training facilities in Sabah and, worst still, by deploying them as voters in Sabah through the ‘Project IC Mahathir’, despite knowing full well that the same group of people from the Philippines have unsettled claims over Sabah.”

Datuk Seri Panglima Dr Maximus Ongkili said Mahathir’s admission that he was a dictator during his 22-year reign as Malaysia’s prime minister “is a classic understatement of the century.”

Dr Maximus added this to his description of Mahathir: “He was a tyrant, bully and oppressor, especially towards Sabah political leaders.”

Living on borrowed time that God has given for him to repent, Mahathir still has his dreams unrealised.  The only person between him and achieving his dreams is Najib Razak.  Which is why the only thing that he has not done is to leave Islam to help DAP achieve its racist ideas.

Mahathir has licked all the gob he had spat out at the DAP since 1969.

Today, Mahathir again called upon the voters in Pekan to not vote for Najib Razak.

The residents and voters of Pekan have the opportunity to save the nation by causing the defeat of Datuk Seri Najib,” he said.

I don’t know what it is that he wants to save the nation from when all that he had achieved single-handedly was to further divide the nation and opress its people.

This is nothing new to Sabah’s Deputy Chief Minister Datuk Joseph Pairin Kitingan.

Once he makes up his mind he does not like a person, just like how he did not like me, he would go all out to dislodge that person.  He tried to do that with me,” Pairin said.

Mahathir once claimed that he had saved all his earnings (RM20,000 a month) as the Prime Minister and left the job with RM5 million in his savings.

In my opinion, his story that he had been saving is purely hogwash.

Najib is trying hard to give back as much as possible to the people of Sabah what Mahathir had taken away from them.  There was hardly any change in the state during Mahathir’s 22-year rule.

Perhaps this is, as PAS’s Takiyuddin had pointed out, the new approach by the Najib administration.  An approach where he listens and tries to help every quarter out.  Try asking for the same during Mahathir’s time.  His favourite song, “My Way” by Frank Sinatra says it all.

Dr Maximus also pointed out and referred to Mahathir’s claim that even though he was a dictator, no one went to the streets to demonstrate against him.

Says who (that no one protested against Dr Mahathir)? Many of us who questioned his policies and actions ended up being detained under the ISA. (Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri) Zahid Hamidi and I myself ended up 59 days in detention by Mahathir’s orders,” he said.

It is time for Sabahans to allow Najib to help them, and bury Mahathir for good.

Three RMAF Airbus A400M aircraft perform a fly pass at the LIMA ’17 exhibition

Defence expenditure is likely to rise as this region and beyond continue to face traditional and non-traditional threats.  The role of the defence industry is also changing dramatically, as new and changing threats require further research and development, increasing the overall costs and pricing of defence products and services.

This was the gist of the message conveyed by Dato’ Sri Najib Razak, the Prime Minister of Malaysia, at the opening ceremony of the Langkawi International Aerospace and Maritime 2017 (LIMA ’17) exhibition this morning.

“We need to equip our fighting men with the capabilities required to face modern warfare, both symmetrical and asymmetrical, and LIMA ’17 brings together major aerospace and maritime firms from around the world to demonstrate their state-of-the-art static and aerial displays and cutting-edge technologies,” he added.

One of the exhibitors, Leonardo Helicopter Division, a division of the Leonardo S.p.A that is headquartered in Italy, celebrated today the successful reaching of the impressive 100,000 flying hours milestone with the Weststar Aviation Services’s AW139 fleet.

Weststar Aviation Services is the largest South East Asian offshore helicopter services provider and largest helicopter operator of the AW139 in Asia.

Dato’ Sri Najib Razak visiting one of the booths at the Mahsuri International Exhibition Center in Langkawi after the opening of LIMA ’17

Leonardo has also brought the ATR-72MP aircraft which is being proposed for Malaysia’s requirement for an advanced new maritime patrol capability.  In the Electronics Warfare segment, Leonardo has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Hensoldt (the new name for Airbus DS Electronics and Border Security) to offer Mode-5 IFF (Identification Friend or Foe) solutions to customers around the world. This collaboration between two European leaders in defence electronics technology shows how, by joining forces, the team can position itself as market leader for cutting-edge new requirements. The two companies, working together as “Team Skytale”, have already been selected as preferred bidder by the UK Ministry of Defence to upgrade IFF systems on more than 400 land, sea and air vehicles.

The ATR 72MP is a multirole Maritime Patrol, Electronic Surveillance and C4I (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, and Intelligence) aircraft with very affordable costs, developed and built by Leonardo’s Aircraft Division from the platform of the modern ATR 72-600 regional turboprop (pic courtesy of Leonardo Company)

The IFF technology allows operators to electronically identify friendly forces, distinguishing them from potential enemies. It does this by sending out an interrogation signal to unidentified platforms and verifying the automatic responses that are sent back, effectively a modern-day challenge and password system. Ensuring that ground, air and naval crews can reliably recognise their compatriots is one of the main ways of avoiding ‘friendly fire’ incidents. In 2020, all NATO nations are mandated to switch over to the new, more-secure ‘Mode-5’ version of the technology and other nations looking to operate alongside NATO forces will also need to be able to interact with the new standard. Mode-5 uses the latest cryptographic techniques to avoid the threat of deception by adversaries.

In another development, Thales has been selected by AirAsia to supply avionics systems on AirAsia’s new fleet of 304 A320neos.  Thales will equip the 304 single-aisles with its market leading Flight Management System (FMS), the navigation solution of choice for Airbus aircraft, alongside the THALES/ACSS T3CAS surveillance platform, the preferred solution for all Airbus single aisle aircraft.

AirAsia’s Airbus A320neo (pic courtesy of Economy Traveller)

Thales has been partnering with AirAsia, leading LCC in Asia, since 2005, forging a close relationship in support of the airline’s growth strategy. AirAsia already equips their entire Airbus fleet with Thales systems and has selected the group for all maintenance and support operations for Thales systems equipped across their entire A320 fleet of 200 aircraft. In addition to the avionics suite, Thales will continue to provide a Repair-by-The-Hour (RBTH) long-term maintenance contract to support AirAsia’s fleet expansion.  The agreement provides guaranteed turnaround times on repairs and offers a commitment of reliability with reduced operational risk.

Malaysia Minister of Defence, Hishammuddin Tun Hussein, meets with representatives from five countries to discuss asymmetrical threats by Da’esh

Meanwhile, Malaysia’s Minister of Defence, Dato’ Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein, met with representatives from five countries including Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia and Qatar to present his view on how to combat the Da’esh threats.  The establishment of the King Salman Center of International Peace was also on the agenda of this meeting.

The RoKAF Black Eagles performing the “Bomb Burst” formation over Langkawi

Making its debut in Langkawi is the Republic of Korea Air Force’s 53rd Air Demonstration Group.  Commonly known as the “Black Eagles” the RoKAF team buzzed the skies of Langkawi in their KAI T-50B Golden Eagle supersonic advanced trainers.  The T-50B is one of the few supersonic trainers currently available in the world.

The Russians is well-represented.  The “Russian Knights (Russkiye Vityazi)” aerobatic team showcasing their Sukhoi Su-30SM aircraft for the first time outside Russia, while the Royal Malaysian Air Force performs aerobatics in its Sukhoi Su-30MKM.

The air aces of the two countries, whose performances constantly evoke admiration of the audience, highly praised the flight characteristics of their supermanouverable aircraft.

President of Irkut Corporation Oleg Demchenko marked the high skills of pilots and their ability to use the maximum extent of the fighter’s capabilities while First vice-president of UAC Alexander Tulyakov said: “Positive evaluation of aircraft given by pilots is very important for us – the developers and manufacturers”.

The meeting resulted with a joint photo shoot against the background of Su-30SM and Su-30MKM aircraft.

Sukhoi Su-30 pilots from the Russian Knights and the RMAF’s No.11 Squadron pose together

Russian’s Rostec State Corporation is working with the government of Malaysia to expand cooperation through the supply of civilian products and aviation.

“Over the last 20 years Malaysia has been a strategic partner of the Rostec State Corporation. We are actively involved in military and technical cooperation in a number of areas: aviation, the army and the military navy, and in recent years our cooperation has gained momentum.  We are currently engaged in arms supply programs and are upgrading technology that was previously supplied to Malaysia.

We are also looking to extending our cooperation to civil areas that have growth potential: electronics, composite materials and IT. The civil aviation market, especially the helicopter sector, is also showing great potential for us,” said Head of the joint delegation from Rostec and Rosoboronexport at the 2017 LIMA exhibition Viktor Kladov, Director for International Cooperation and Regional Policy Department of the State Corporation.

“LIMA-2017 is the most important event for the aviation and military navy markets of Malaysia and the surrounding region and our participation in it is a long-standing tradition. LIMA-2017 is attracting representatives of various countries of this region and we are looking to conducting fruitful negotiations both with the Malaysian Government and delegations from other countries,” he pointed out.

In the afternoon, the Prime Minister Najib Razak officiated the Maritime Segment which also involved major exhibitors such as THALES, MAST, ACS and SAAB, showcasing the latest technologies in defence products and a demonstration by the elite forces of Malaysia’s security enforcement agencies.

This year’s opening gimmick had the elite forces searching for a box containing a key for the Prime Minister to activate the launch sequence. The key was located using technologically-advanced, unmanned equipment that assisted the forces, including from the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN), and was handed over to the Chief of Navy, Admiral Tan Sri Ahmad Kamarulzaman Haji Ahmad Badaruddin who then handed it to the Prime Minister.

Following the launch, a live action demonstration from the RMN Special Forces, the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency, the Royal Malaysian Police and the Marine Department of Malaysia with the setting being a hostage rescue mission at sea.

Demonstration by the Royal Malaysian Navy’s special forces, the Marine Operations Force of the Royal Malaysian Police, the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency and the Marine Department performs a demonstration

Later, Najib officiated the naming ceremony of the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency’s latest Offshore Patrol Vessel, the “KM Pekan”.  In attendance were Defence Minister Hishammuddin Tun Hussein as well as Japan’s Deputy Minister of Land Infrastructure, Transportation and Tourism, Tanaka Ryosei.

The “KM Pekan” is one of two offshore patrol vessels donated by the Japanese government to the MMEA in 2016.  Both vessels are 92 meters in length with speed of 20 knots and endurance of 30 days, suitable for enforcement missions in the South China Sea as well as in eastern Sabah.  Both are equipped with a helideck and state-of-the-art radars.

According to the Director-General of the MMEA, Admiral (Maritime) Datuk Seri Ahmad Puzi Ab Kahar, a set of crew has been sent to Japan to bring home the second vessel.

For yesterday’s article, please click Defence: LIMA ’17 To Be More Exciting

I have written on how racist Lim Kit Siang is in Part 1 dan Part 2 prior to this final part.

Lim Kit Siang is not only a racist, he was also against any attempt by the government to counter communist revolutionary ideology.

Two days prior to the 3rd General Elections (1969), Kit Siang held a press conference to accuse his now right-hand man Christopher Ross Lim’s stepfather as “Lying Education Minister.”  Christopher Ross Lim now uses the name Zairil Khir Johari. No “bin (Arab for ‘son of’)”.

Kit Siang accused the Alliance government then of enrolling Malaysia into the World Anti-Communist League, an accusation denied by Khir Johari.

Question: why did Kit Siang slam the government even if it was true that Malaysia had joined the World Anti-Communist League?

Answer: the Opposition at that time was teemed with members and sympathisers of the Communist Party of Malaya.

Communist slogans displayed in anti-government rallies

Communist slogans carried by Opposition supporters

A month before that, on 24 April 1969, an UMNO worker, Encik Kassim bin Omar, who was on his way home after the end of campaign hours for the day was stopped by Opposition supporters as he passed the Datuk Keramat section of Pulau Pinang and brutally murdered.  His face was smeared with red paint used to paint anti-government slogans by the Opposition supporters. This is among the reasons long campaign periods can be detrimental to public safety and order.

Since July 1968, that is a month after the commencement of the Second Malaysian Emergency (second armed uprising by the Communist Party of Malaya) that ended 21 years later, Kit Siang fired up racial hatred among the Opposition supporters.

Among the events of incitements that he did were:

  1. On 27 July 1968, at a DAP rally in Tanjung Malim, Perak, Kit Siang on purpose twisted the facts of the National Education Policy by telling the audience that the policy had been designed to eradicate the Chinese newspapers, Chinese schools as well as the Chinese language.
  2. On 24 August 1968, at a rally in Slim River, Perak, Kit Siang intentionally twisted the facts of the policy on the National Language to raise suspicion of and hatred for the Malays .
  3. On 7 September 1968, at a DAP rally at KM38, Jalan Sungai Besi, and on 21 September 1968, at the Sungai Way new village, Kit Siang intentionally incited hatred towards the Malays and the Government by slandering MCA accusing the party of assisting a Malay government to eradicate the Chinese language by not recognising the Nanyang University project.
  4. On 29 September 1968, at a DAP rally in Batu Pahat, Johor, 2 November 1968, in Lawan Kuda Bahru, Gopeng, Perak, and on 26 January 1969, at Jalan Yow, Pudu, Kuala Lumpur, Kit Siang incited hatred by informing the audience that the government’s policies are racist policies by giving priority to the Bumiputera to enter the public universities, automatically placing the other races as second-class citizens.
  5. On 12 February 1969, at a DAP rally held at Jalan Lengkongan Brunei, Kuala Lumpur, Kit Siang once again incited racial sentiments by telling the audience that the Government has shown its racist character by giving priority to the Malays to enter public universities, giving government jobs and distribution of land.

What Kit Siang did not tell any of his audience is that even in government posts (except for the Malaysian Armed Forces), the percentage of non-Malays in the civil service far surpassed the number of Malays as evident in the excerpt from the National Operations Council’s (MAGERAN) White Paper below:

It is evident that Kit Siang’s racist and agitative character has never diminished till today.  The General Election was conducted on Saturday 10 May 1969.  The Alliance party (UMNO, MCA and MIC) won 66 seats, 23 lesser than in the 2nd General Election while the Opposition won 54.

At 5.30pm, 11 May 1969, DAP held a victory parade without police permit that comprised of five cars and 15 motorcycles that started from Brickfields towards Jalan Lornie (now Jalan Syed Putra).

When they passed in front of the Brickfields Police Station (now demolished), the mostly Chinese participants shouted:

What can the police do? We are the rulers! Throw out all the Malay policemen!

At 10pm on the same day, while parading in front of the Jalan Travers Police Station, they shouted:

Death to the Malays! Sakai (derogatory term for aborigines) go back to the jungle!

The same insults were hurled at policemen on duty when they again passed the Brickfields Police Station.

At the same time at Changkat Thamby Dollah near the old Pudu Jail (behind Berjaya Times Square), about 40 Opposition supporters shouted:

“Kuala Lumpur belongs to the Chinese!

On the next day, Monday 12 May 1969, 500 scooters rode by Opposition supporters passed Jalan Ipoh, Jalan Parlimen, Jalan Gombak, Jalan Raja Laut before returning to Jalan Ipoh shouting at every Malay person they encounter:

The Malays are now powerless. Now we are in control!

When this convoy arrived at the threshold of Kampung Bahru, they shouted to the Malays:

Malays get out! Why are you still here? We’ll beat you up! Now we are bigger (more powerful)!

At night, more insults and abuses were hurled at Malay policemen on duty:

Mata-Mata Lancau! (Penis Constables)

Butoh Melayu! Pergi matilah! (Fuck the Malays! Go and die!)

I did not make all the stuff above up.  You can read them in the MAGERAN report as per the images below:

Where was Lim Kit Siang when abuses and insults were hurled at the Malays in Kuala Lumpur?

Lim Kit Siang on the morning of Tuesday 13 May 1969 was ready to flee to Kota Kinabalu so that he would not be in Kuala Lumpur if any untoward incident was to happen.

The moment he arrived in Kota Kinabalu he immediately went to a DAP public rally in Kampung Air. Sabah was scheduled to vote on the 25 May 1969 and Sarawak on 7 June 1969. In Kota Kinabalu he not only incited hatred towards the Malays but also towards the religion of Islam.

He told the audience that the Government was trying to create a Malay Malaysia by dividing the rakyat into Bumiputera dan Non-Bumiputera.  He also lied by saying that the Government wants to turn the Sabah Government into a Malay Government.  He also incited hatred towards Islam by saying that the Government would send Malaysians including non-Muslims (including Sabah Christians) to fight and die in the Middle East to help other OIC members to free Jerusalem from the clutches of Israel.

That is how racist and despicable Lim Kit Siang is as well as the DAP that he leads.  Almost 48 years have passed since 13 May 1969, Kit Siang is still attacking what he calls the ‘Malay’ government.  Back then, the Malays were united in protecting their rights that have been in existence way before the arrival of Lim Kit Siang’s ancestors – rights that have been agreed upon by representatives of all the Nation’s races and enshrined in the Federal Constitution.

Unfortunate for us now there are those who claim that they are Malays but forget easily.  Now this traitor and his worshippers stick a straw up Lim Kit Siang’s rear orifice and suck up to the DAP Supremo.


Taqweem al-SeaDemon

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