Recently Azmin Ali announced a two and a half months bonus for Selangor civil servants. The civil servants rejoiced at hearing this news and I am sure Azmin cheered himself.
He stands to get almost RM73,000 as his pay is RM29,000 per month.
With two weeks to go till the end of Ramadhan, news leaked out that the confirmation of any bonus payout will only be made known this coming Tuesday. And already netizens are up in arms over it.
And it seems Pulau Pinang is mulling to cancel its binus payout due to short of funds, as seen in the discussion below:
The Pulau Pinang state government had recently announced that it will give bonus to its civil servants, but with certains terms attached:
The bonus is for 0.75 months or RM1,000 minimum, whichever is higher. This goes to show that the Pulau Pinang government is no longer cash rich.
In order to be able to pay the bonus out, and to continue keep the administration running, the Pulau Pinang state legislative assembly recently passed an enactment to allow the state government to take an undisclosed amount of cash loan from the EXIM Bank of China.
As in the words of Tokong Chao Ah Beng, “borrow money to make more money.”
It seems that the business of running a state government is all too easy. It does not matter how you manage the finances, if you run short of cash, borrow.
And it does not matter who has to shoulder the burden of repaying this debt. According to portal Utaranews, each Penang Lang will have to pay back RM28,000 for this loan..
What does Tokong care? He’s going to jail and he’ll be fed and cared using the money that the Penang suckers pay in the form of taxes. So not only do they have to bear RM28,000 each, but in fact RM28,000 + x being the anount Tokong will be living off them.
This shows how the Pakatan-led states government is totally not in sync with the wishes and wants of the rakyat. They are always dancing to their own tempo, and not with the rakyat – just like this pathetic attempt by DAP MP for Bukit Mertajam, Steven Sim Chee Keong, to be in sync with his constituents.
Kay Kiang is a Hokkien term to describe someone who acts smarter than he really is. So Lim Kit Siang is actually Lim Kay Kiang. His parting shot for Friday’s Twitter was to ask Najib Razak about an allegation that RM9.5 million was paid to Shafee Abdullah who was prosecuting for the government in Anwar Ibrahim’s Sodomy 2.0 trial.
The allegation was made by Sarawak Report which said that two payments were made by Najib Razak using 1MDB funds from an Ambank account.
I shall not comment about the status of the accounts mentioned by Lim Kay Kiang. I shall let others handle that part. This is typical shit-stirring by Lim Kay Kiang who has turned a blind eye on his son Chao Ah Beng’s corrupt practices. Chao Ah Beng, who is a quintessential Ah Beng said that he will fight to the end to clear his name has been delaying his own trial to play for more time.
What Lim Kay Kiang ought to realise is that firstly, no matter the amount that was paid to Shafee, the money could not have come from 1MDB. Even Pakatan-mouthpiece Malaysiakini said that the money had been transferred out of Malaysia the day the account that held the money was closed – 30 August 2013.
Secondly, Shafee was the prosecutor for the trial. You can pay him all the money available in Malaysia but the verdict and judgment rest on the trial judges. Therefore, what effect does paying Shafee have on the outcome of the trial?
The money that was received by the account bearing Najib Razak’s name was for UMNO. Whatever amount that was not used was transferred out of the country. I am sure that there is nothing wrong with receiving funds for political purposes, to make the country a better place. If you don’t believe me, you can ask Pony Tua who is the DAP’s chief mischief.
Perhaps Lim Kay Kiang should ask Pony Tua what he meant by “What’s wrong with foreign funding to improve democracy.”
Lim Kay Kiang can stir all the shit up if he wants to but he should also surrender his son to the nearest prison before commenting on a non-issue trying to make a rocket of a dildo.
Colonial passport for the colonised people of North BorneoFor the previous installment on religion, please click HERE.
Dr Jeffrey Kitingan also raised the point on language on pages 11-12 of his book, ‘The 20 Points – Basis for Federal – State Relations for Sabah, 1987′. Language was the second point of the 20-Point Memorandum put forth before Malaysia was formed.
His points were, that:
Malay should be the national language of the Federation;
English should continue to be used for a period of ten years after Malaysia Day;
English should be the official language of North Borneo, for all purposes, State or Federal, without limitation of law.
Dr Jeffrey wrote that it was Tun Mustapha’s administration that had changed the status of English by passing a bill and introducing a new clause 11A into the State Constitution, making Bahasa Malaysia the officia language of the State Cabinet and the State Legislative Assembly.
At the same time, he claimed, the National Language (Application) Enactment, 1973 was passed purporting to approve the extension of an Act of Parliament terminating or restricting the use of English for other official purposes in Sabah.
He also said that the National Language Act, 1963/67 was only amended in 1983 to allow it to be extended to Sabah by a State enactment, but no such enactment had been passed. Therefore, the National Language Act, 1963/67 is still not in force in Sabah.
He claims that the amendments hae brought about the following consequences:
Many civil servants who were schooled in English are employed as temporary or contract officers because of their inability to pass the Bahasa Malaysia examination.
The change in the medium of instruction in schools have affected the standard of teaching due to lack of qualified Bahasa Malaysia teachers.
The teaching of other native languages has been relegated to the background.
Now, let us see what the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC), the Cobbold Commission, the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) as well as the Federation of Malaysia Agreement had to say about the points raised above.
Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC) Memorandum
On Page 122 of the MSCC Memorandum, the Committee accepted that the Federation should have a national language and placed no objection to the adoption of the National Language of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore and Brunei (the Malay language) as it is the lingua franca of the region.
However, the MSCC had asked the Parliament to make provision for the English language to remain to be used for a period of TEN YEARS after the formation of the new Federation in 1963. This is in light of the same period given to the states in the Federation of Malaya in the Federation of Malaya Constitution that is TEN YEARS after 1957.
The Cobbold Commission
According to the Report of the Commission of Enquiry, North Borneo and Sarawak (the Cobbold Commission) dated 21 June 1962 on page 54, the objection to the use of Bahasa Melayu as the language of the Federation and its application to North Borneo and Sarawak are matters that the people of the two states should resolve themselves when fully-elected representative bodies have been constituted.
The Chairman and members from Malaya do not think that their opinion of Bahasa Melayu being the language closest to those spoken in the region and therefore should be the lingua franca should not offend the non-Malays and any derogation from the Federal provision is necessary.
On the issue of official languages the Cobbold Commission found that there is majority support for both Bahasa Melayu and English to be used as the official languages in both the Borneo states without any time limit. This was the view of the Chairman of the Commission and its British members.
The members from Malaya however thought that with MALAYSIA in total consideration such provision cannot be accepted as it breaches the existing provisions in the Federation of Malaya Constitution. Therefore the Malayan members recommend that a provision be made without affecting the position of Bahasa Melayu as the official language of the Federation where English shall continue to be an official language in the states of North Borneo and Sarawak along with Bahasa Melayu for a period of ten years after the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia.
This shall continue until such time the Federal government in consultation with the State governments provides otherwise. The same was recommended for application to the indigenous languages used in debates and discussions in the respective state assemblies.
The Chairman and the British members however opined that there should be no time limit applied to the indigenous languages, until and unless the State governments decide otherwise.
The Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC)
The IGC on Page 26 of its report recommended that Bahasa Melayu be made the official language of the Federation of Malaysia but Article 152 of the Constitution should be modified for its application to the Borneo states as follows:
For a period of TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day and until the State Assemblies provide otherwise, English becomes an official language not just for the State Assemblies but also in other official purposes of both State and Federal, including correspondences with Ministries and Federal departments.
For a period of TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day and until the Parliament of Malaysia provides otherwise, English shall be allowed to be used by representatives from the Borneo states in both Houses of Parliament.
For a period of TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day and until both State Assemblies provide otherwise, all proceedings in the Supreme Court for cases involving cases from the Borneo states and all proceedings in the High Courts of both Borneo States shall be conducted in English.
Until the State Assemblies provide otherwise all proceedings in the subordinate Courts in the Borneo states other than the taking of evidence, shall be in English.
Of course at the end of it all parties agreed upon something hence the Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963 was signed. So what does the Agreement say?
Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963
Taking into account the recommendations and points made in the MSCC, the Cobbold Commission and the IGC, the Federation of Malaysia Agreement, 1963 on pages 42 and 43 made provisions that no Act of Parliament terminating or restricting the use of English for the purposes stated below shall come until TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day:
the use of the English language by the representatives from the Borneo states in either house of Parliament,
the use of the English language for proceedings in the High and Subordinate Courts of Borneo until the State Assemblies provide for otherwise, or for proceedings in the Federal Court that involves cases from the Borneo states,
the use of the English language in the Borneo states in the Legislative Assemblies or for other official purpose including the purpose of the Federal Government,
the use of native languages in the native courts and in the case of Sarawak, the use of native languages in the State Assembly until otherwise provided for by an Enactment of the legislature.
During the Tun Mustapha Administration the status of the English language was altered in a bill by inserting a new clause called Clause 11A into the Sabah State Constitution, 1989 (pages 17-18), making Bahasa Malaysia as the official language of the Sabah Cabinet and of the State Legislative Assembly.
The content of this Clause is as follows:
“Without prejudice to clause (8) of Article 24, the official language of the State Cabinet and the Legislative Assembly shall be in Bahasa Malaysia:
Provided that:-
a) notwithstanding the provisions of this Article, the English language may be used for such period and for such purposes as may for the time be provided by or in accordance with Article 152 of the Federal Constitution; and
b) an official English version shall be provided of anything which is required to be printed or reduced into writing and may be published in the Gazzette.”
However, Jeffrey disputes the passing of the National Language (Application) Enactment, 1973 that allegedly allows the application of an Act of Parliament to terminate or restrict the use of the English language for other official purposes in Sabah. This preceded the National Language Act 1963/67 that was only amended in 1983 to allow it to be applied to Sabah through a state enactment. Nonetheless, there was no state enactment on the matter that was passed as of 1991. As such, as of 1991 the National Language Act, 1963/67 was still not enforced in Sabah.
Based on the Federation of Malaysia Agreement (Malaysia Agreement), 1963, it is clear that the position of the English language as an official language can be altered TEN YEARS after Malaysia Day. It was put into force through a law that was enacted by the State Legislative Assembly of Sabah in 1973. Having said that, no specific enactment was passed as of 1991 to enforce the National Language (Amendments and Extension) Act, 1983 in Sabah.
Jeffrey Kitingan’s assumptions and allegation pertaining the illegality of the National Language Act, 1963/67 and State Enactment No.7, National Language (Application) Enactment, 1973 which preceded the National Language (Amendments and Extension) Act, 1983 by ten years was more of playing a regional sentiment especially in the context of teaching and learning of the indigenous languages in Sabah.
Questioning the use of Bahasa Malaysia as the official language after 27 years of Sabah being part of the Federation of Malaysia clearly displays the arrogance on Jeffrey’s part, and his refusal to accept the fact that the Bahasa Malaysia is the reflection of the spirit of the people of Malaysia that forms a bridge for all races towards national integration.
In the next installment, we shall talk about the third point – CONSTITUTION.
Raja Petra asks if Shahrir Samad is Isa Samad’s real target?Just a few minutes ago I received a copy of a press statement from the Prime Minister’s Officer stating that Idris Jala has been appointed as an indepedent party to establish the facts and recommend the way forward regarding Felda Global Ventures’s (FGV) latest fiasco.
The press statement from the Prime Minister’s OfficeFor a statement to have come out from the Prime Minister’s Office shows that the Prime Minister himself is taking interest to protect those whose livelihood depend on FGV and wants to find out the inside story of how FGV has gotten itself in such a mess.
Isa Samad was appointed as the Chairman of FELDA and also became the Chairman of FGV. Obviously he is a political appointee meaning that he had been entrusted to ensure that the needs and interests of the voters in FELDA are well taken care of.
This did not happen. Instead of becoming something that the settlers could bank on, FELDA was treated badly under Isa’s management, or mismanagement if you must.
There was that sturgeon farm initiative that cost FELDA a loss of RM47.6 million through a subsidiary called FELDA Caviartive Sdn Bhd.
Another mess that happened under Isa was by FELDA Wellness Corp Sdn Bhd., a loss-making biopharmaceuticals company wholly owned by the statutory body, had been wound up last year.
In less than three years of operation, FELDA Wellness accumulated losses of RM154.76 million, and current liabilities of RM154.03 million as at end FY15. The company’s total assets amounted to RM4.34 million.
The company was eventually wound up by Australia-based Gordagen Pharmaceuticals Pty Ltd for debts owed to it by FELDA Wellness amounting to RM2.1 million.
Another outfit called Global Settlers Sdn Bhd (GSSB), which opened a chain of five restaurants and incurred losses of more than RM 8.4 Million, then closed down after 3 years of operations. If that is not bad enough, GSSB paid RM2.29 million to a Pastry Project called Schneeballen without having any supporting documents. In October 2015 that Pastry project was terminated after having spent another RM6.39 million for equipment.
I shan’t go into the failed investments by the FELDA Investment Corp. There’s at least half-a-billion Ringgit worth of losses by the FIC.
It was only right that the Prime Minister decided enough was enough and put Tan Sri Shahrir Samad at the helm, leaving Isa only as a non-executive Chairman of the FGV.
Although a lot of damage had been done by Isa, Shahrir’s appointment was welcomed by settlers and observers alike. Through Shahrir they see a management that would be able to surmount the obstacles Isa had laid.
But the latest fiasco of Isa using the Board of FGV to ask the CEO Zakaria Arshad and three others to go on a forced leave has again shaken the trust of the people in FGV.
I don’t know how kosher Zakaria is, but a thorough probe by the Malaysian Anti Corruption Commission (MACC) into the affairs of the FGV is a very welcomed move.
Isa et al should realise that FGV and FELDA are of public interest and that he was entrusted by Najib Razak to make sure that the settlers’ interests are not foresaken.
Instead, Najib and the settlers have had their back stabbed.
The above is an extract from an interview of a psychopathic and delusional old man by the Nikkei Asian Review yesterday. He said that he had never abused his power when he was the Prime Minister.
If you have a copy of Barry Wain’s ‘Malaysian Maverick‘ you can see the list of abuses that Mahathir had done during his premiership. And those are only the ones that Mr Wain had discovered.
Time Magazine quoted an economist at Morgan Stanley in Singapore as saying that the country might have lost as much as US$100 billion since the early 1980s to corruption. Under Mahathir’s 22 years term, there were monetary losses amounting to over at least hundred of billions of Ringgit and this excluded those unaccounted for, and irretrievable.
Another politician, Syed Husin Ali, whose party is now worshipping Mahathir said, “Petronas has neither been fully transparent nor accountable with how it spends its money, especially in aiding and abetting Tun Mahathir to indulge in unproductive construction of mega projects, to bail out ailing crony companies and corporate figures, and to involve itself in excessive and wasteful spending on celebrations and conferences.”
For the record, Mr Wain has never been sued by Mahathir. Neither has Mahathir’s foe-turned-best friend Lim Kit Siang been sued for his remarks on the former.
“If we examine the decade of the Mahathir administration, we will find that the scandals, unaccountability, the human rights violations and abuses of power have one common thread – to protect and further the economic interests of the ruling political elites. This necessitated a growing concentration of political power in the hands of the Executive and increasingly in the hands of the Prime Minister, at the expense of the fundamental constitutional principles of the Separation of Powers among the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary, the Independence of the Judiciary and the Rule of Law.
Under his political culture, the role of Law and Judges is not to ensure justice and protect human rights, but to protect the vested economic interests of the powers-that-be from expose and jeopardy.
Two-thirds parliamentary majority has become a blank cheque for abuses of power and human rights violations.”
Emperor Lim was notably vocal on the issues of the Forex scandal that all but wiped out our Bank Negara reserves and also the BMF scandal before he became the jockey that now rides on the political mule called Mahathir. But the things he wrote on Mahathir are still there waiting to be used against the latter should he (Mahathir) forget his current position – a mule.
As a matter of fact, Emperor Lim also has examples of abuse of power in relation to freedom of the press during Mahathir’s time – and I am not talking just about Ops Lallang.
So for Mahathir to claim that he never abused his power as the Prime Minister is an absolute farce. It only goes to show how desperate he is to paint a false picture of his past to the youngsters who were yet to be born when Mahathir had this country beneath his fists.
He thinks that the Pakatan will collectively agree to his ambitions of either putting his son as the Prime Minister or he become one himself based on his 22-year experience.
But we all know that no one in the Pakatan wishes to have another one term of Mahathir remembering what he was capable of. So they will just ride on his anger towards Najib Razak…like the old mule he is.
It has been seven days since the Home Ministry had given a seven-day show cause letter to The Star newspaper for being rudely insensitive and for showing disrespect to the Muslims in Malaysia. The Star has been let off so many times for printing insensitive materials, then apologise when people react adversely. Even BigDog has come to remind the Home Ministry why it should not show leniency towards The Star.
Under the guise of freedom of speech and freedom of the press, politically-motivated minorities in countries such as Malaysia use imaginary oppression to justify reverse racism – acts of discrimination and prejudice perpetrated by the minorities against people of the majority race or religion. Of course if confronted with the issue, they will give an excuse saying reverse racism is not real, it is just a reaction by the Malays who are about to lose their political power. I gave a few examples of reverse racism recently.
Of course, if and when The Star gets suspended there will be an outcry by the Malaysians who cannot even remember the lyrics to the national anthem in full or speak the national language properly. They will say that there is no freedom of the press in Malaysia and that oppression is the rule of the day. Everything is bad except when it is done by them.
Let us take for example an incident involving an impatient driver in Johor Bahru whose thoughtless action induced people to commit affray. A certain portal reported the race of the driver, and that he had honked his horn endlessly because the cars belonging to the worshippers had blocked the way. We all know what happened after, and the matter has been resolved.
Then another incident happened involving a family against a driver over a car park lot. In this article, the writer described the race of the the abovementioned family numerous times.
This was not the first time this writer who goes by the pseudonym Xiao Mintx had revealed the identity of a race. In this next article, she wrote about a Malay man who had complained about a group of Chinese men whom had brought their dog to a McDonald’s outlet, totally ignoring the sensitivity of the act.
Xiao Mintx they went on to support the Malay man’s complain by saying it was insensitive on the part of the Chinese customers to bring along their dog to the outlet and that the act was disrespectful of the Muslim Malays. But what hit me was in the next paragraph, Xiao Mintx actually told the Malay complainant to be considerate and also respect the Chinese customers!
A Malay is identified by Xiao Mintx as a Malay in almost any article, but when it comes to the Chinese, they are being referred to as Malaysians.
You may think that the articles above are harmless so why is it not okay for them to be called Malaysians? Let me put this straight – when a Malay does something awful it is a Malay who does it. How about when the perpetrator is Chinese? How does Xiao Mintx identify the person?
So the Malays are not Malaysians then, Xiao Mintx? Is this not subtle racism? Is Xiao Mintx of the DAP generation?
I have no respect for the perfidious people above. I have no respect for people who leave their party and form or join another and go against their former party.
Nor do I have respect for people who go back on their words after spending a lifetime making others believe those words.
Spineless. Principle-less.
Look at Mat Sabu for instance. Once he was speaking out loud against the Christians.
He even spoke against the proselytising of Muslims by Christian evangelists, giving speeches against the act.
Now he is subservient to the party that is run by evangelists – becoming their loyal dog that does their biddings.
Then you have this 92-year old man who once claimed that Anwar Ibrahim is too old to become a Prime Minister.
Suddenly he is thinking of becoming the Prime Minister again, after saying he’d never return to the Premier seat again.
Probably that is the reason he did not lift the “Anwar As The 7th PM” placard at the recent PKR convention and pretended he was takkng a video with his phone.
We are, I guess, living in the age of the auld lang swine.
Colonial passport for the colonised people of North Borneo
For the previous installment on the background, please click here.
In his book on Page 101, Dr Jeffrey Kitingan wrote that although there is no objection to Islam being the religion of the Federation there should not be a STATE RELIGION in North Borneo. Therefore, anything pertaining to Islam in the MALAYAN CONSTITUTION cannot be applied to NORTH BORNEO.
His grouse on this matter came about as a result of the late Tun Datu Mustapha expelling Christian priests from Sabah and accused both Tun Datu Mustapha and Datuk Harris Salleh of acting in such manner to strengthen their political position with the Federal government, therefore Islam should not be the religion of the state of Sabah.
The above controversial statement goes against the agreements reached as recorded by the Cobbold Commission, the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC) , and the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) in 1962.
According to the memorandum of the MSCC that was chaired by Donald A Stephens (later Chief Minister of Sabah, Tun Fuad Stephens) with representatives from Singapore, Malaya, Sarawak and North Borneo, the MSCC found that the acceptance of Islam as the religion of the Federation does not endanger religious freedom as evident on Page 120 of the MSCC memorandum dated 3 February 1962:
MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120
The MSCC had scrutinised the position of Islam in respect of states other than the Malay States and found no objection was made against the then-present arrangement for Pulau Pinang and Melaka to also be adopted by North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore.
Each of the states above would have its own constitution to address the requirement with Yang DiPertuan Agong as the Head of Islam in those states. The respective State’s Assembly will enact laws to govern Islamic affairs and form a Board to advise the Yang DiPertuan Agong on matters pertaining to Islam.
On pages 120 and 121 of the memorandum mentioned it is stated so:
MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120-121MSCC Memorandum dated 3 February 1962 PP 120-121
In the Report of the Commission of Enquiry (Cobbold Commission), North Borneo and Sarawak, dated 21st June 1962 found that there was everywhere agreement that as the Muslims are minorities in North Borneo and Sarawak, there should be no restrictions on complete freedom of other religions in those states.
Cobbold Commission Report dated 21 June 1962 PP 39Cobbold Commission Report dated 21 June 1962 PP 39
In relation to that, the Inter-Governmental Committee, headed by Lord Landsdowne produced a report in 1962 and made the following recommendations on religion on Pages 5 and 6 which have been passed by the Sabah (and Sarawak) state assembly as follows:
IGC Report 1962 on Religion PP 5-6IGC Report 1962 on Religion PP 5-6
The IGC, which has representation from the Federation of Malaya representing the states in the Federation, Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak, recommended that Article 3 needed no amendment. However, the provision of financial aid to Muslim establishments should only come with the concurrence of the states of North Borneo and Sarawak. This has since been provided for via Section 3 of the Sabah Islamic Laws Administration Enactment, 1992 where the Yang DiPertuan Agong is the Head of Islam in Sabah, and a Council (Majlis Agama Islam Sabah) was formed to manage and administer the Islamic affairs in Sabah. This has also been provided in the Sabah State Constitution (Articles 5B(1) and 5B(2)).
As mentioned at the beginning of this article, Dr Jeffrey Kitingan was angered by Tun Datu Mustapha’s action to chase out Christian missionaries from Sabah in 11972. Dr Jeffrey used this as the basis of raising the religion issue that was presented as part of the 20-point memorandum for the inclusion of Sabah into the Federation of Malaysia.
Having understood the reason for his raising the issue again, we must also understand the events that had taken place after Tun Datu Mustapha’s ousting of the Christian missionaries.
Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) won the state elections and formed the Sabah state government in 1985. From that point up until 1991, the Sabah state government built 825 churches compared to only 216 suraus and mosques.
The state government’s refusal to entertain a request by the Sabah Islamic Council made on the 2nd August 1986 and again on the 12th August 1986 to amend the state’s Shariah Law (Administration) Enactment No.15/77 to accord to the Yang DiPertuan Agong the power to administer Islam in the state of Sabah as required by Article 3(3) of the Federal Constitution (as amended on the 12th August 1976) and Article 5B of the Sabah State Constitution (as amended on the 28th December 1985) clearly denied the Yang DiPertuan Agong His Majesty’s prerogative that was agreed by the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Council, the findings of the Cobbold Commission as well as the Inter-Governmental Committee, and the wishes made by the Muslims of North Borneo in 1962.
The ousting of the Christian missionaries in 1972 was made because the nine missionaries who were foreigners abused the work permit given to them to work in Sabah, not to conduct evagelical missions. They were Roman Catholics, Anglicans, the Basil Mission and from the Borneo Evangelical Mission.
As Immigration affairs is a Sabah prerogative as accorded in the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, the first act by the Sabah state government under Tun Datu Mustapha was to deny them an extension of their work permit. They were then given a 14-day special pass to enable them to make arrangements to leave Sabah. However, the missionaries refused to obey the 13-day order.
Consequently, they were removed from Sabah through a Removal Order issued by the Sabah Immigration Department made under Section 32 of the Immigration Ordinance 12/59.
The Federal government had no role whatsoever in the removal of these missionaries. It was purely a state decision that was made based on a sound reason – the people of Sabah, regardless of race or religion had been living harmoniously. However, these missionaries have been sowing the seeds of hatred among the Christians of Sabah towards the Muslims by telling them to fear the “Islamisation” of Christians through forced conversions, a claim the missionaries themselves could not substatiate.
There was a plea made by the Christians in Sabah to the then-Prime Minister for the missionaries to be allowed to remain in Sabah. Tun Abdul Razak however recommended to the Christians of Sabah to instead allow priests from the Peninsular and Sarawak to replace the nine missionaries.
In his book, Jeffrey Kitingan had profusely spoken about alleged digressions from and breach of the Federation of Malaysia Agreement but avoided on the issue of the Sabah state government of 1985 breaching agreements made by the MSCC, findings of the Cobbold Commission, the IGC as well as the Federal Constitution of Malaysia.
On the contrary, the Federal government has been fulfilling its end of the agreement by allowing the freedom for other religions to be practiced by its followers as per the agreement.
At no point was there any intrusion made by the Federal government in the affairs of Sabah, and that the removal of the missionaries from Sabah for violating the conditions of the work permit was totally a state issue, made using the powers accorded to the state of Sabah, as agreed by all parties that had agreed on the formation of the Federation of Malaysia.
In the next installement, we shall talk about the second point – LANGUAGE.
An RMAF Sukhoi Su-30MKM multirole combat aircraft performs a tight turn on a hot afternoon
Many are awed by the performances put by the Royal Malaysian Air Force’s stars at the Langkawi International Maritime and Aerospace 2017 exhibition – the Sukhoi Su-30MKM Flanker and the Boeing F/A-18D Hornet.
Many can imagine the manoeuvres these mighty aircrafts could do in combat, but not many know who or what makes them tick.
They are the Air Defence Controllers, the guardians of Malaysian airspace.
An air defence radar basks in the sunset
Majority of Malaysians are not aware of their existence until the MH370 disappeared. Suddenly, this silent service came under an intense spotlight, especially when shone by those who do not have an iota of idea of how airspace and air defence in Malaysia work.
When Malaya gained independence in 1957, the airspace of the nation was only monitored by two long-range radars located at Western Hill in Pulau Pinang and Bukit Gombak in Singapore through the Anglo-Malayan Defence Arrangement which ended in the late 1960s.
The Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF) set up three air defence centres (ADCs) namely the No.1 ADC at the Butterworth airbase, No.2 ADC at Bukit Jugra, and No.3 ADC at the Kuantan airbase. These three ADCs shouldered the responsibility of monitoring our airspace.
The late Tun Haji Abdul Razak visiting the No.1 ADC accompanied by the Chief of RMAF, Air Vice Marshall Dato’Sulaiman bin Sujak (later Tan Sri)
The RMAF has since expanded its air defence by creating five squadrons to also cover Sabah and Sarawak, and one Ground-Based Air Defence Squadron.
So how is it that it is the Air Defence Controllers who make the fighters tick?
There are two types of radar in use by the RMAF, Primary and Secondary. While the radar rotates 360-degrees, radio waves are transmitted and will bounce off targets as an echo and is received by the radar system’s receiver unit.
The Primary radar is the one that transmits the energy waves that bounces off targets while the Secondary radar interrogates the signal from the target’s transponder. This is then processed and the data is fed into the Command and Control system which is displayed on a screen and the target is then tracked by a Surveillance Officer who tracks and labels the target.
An Identification Officer then conducts identification procedures by correlating both radar and track data with information received from other agencies such as the Department of Civil Aviation. If the target does not correspond with a non-hostile or non-civilian target, then the unidentified target will be reported to the Officer-in-Charge.
An RMAF radar Command and Reporting Centre (CRC)
The Officer-in-Charge then conducts a threat assessment and evaluation of the unidentified target. Simultaeneously, the recognised air situation data is also displayed in the National Air Defence Centre to enable the Higher Authority to monitor the situation and assist effective decision making.
A visual identification of the unidentified target may be needed, or if the target poses a threat, the Officer-in-Charge then scrambles fighters to intercept the target. If threat exists, the RMAF’s surface-to-air defence systems would be put on the highest alert to anticipate a hostile act by the said target.
A fighter is scrambled to intercept the target
The pilot intercepting the target will then make a visual identification of the target and report back to the Fighter Controller. Instructions and orders from the Higher Authority are also relayed back to the intercepting pilot who will then execute either a Force Down procedure or chase the target out of our airspace while comunicating with the target either through the radio or signals.
Only if the instructions are not obeyed will the pilot escalate the rules of engagement. If the instructions are obeyed and a force down is required, the intercepting pilot will escort the target to the nearest airfield or airport where the target will be investigated.
The elaborate and complex systems that the RMAF Air Defence Centres employ are among the best, and therefore need the continuous support and understanding of not only the higher management of the RMAF, but also of the Government to ensure that hardware, software and its operators remain dynamic, well-maintained and trained.
And although they are mostly trained locally by the RMAF, some do get their training elsewhere in the world. For example the RMAF has had officers do their Basic Air Defence Operator Course in Australia. Some get trained as Air Weapons Controller in the United States of America. Some attend their Master Controller Course in England, Advanced Defence Weapons Controller in Bangladesh to name a few.
RMAF Air Defence Officers attending their Basic Air Defence Operators Course in Australia during the earlier days of the RMAF
And when you spend your time with your family, friends, or sleep at night, and while the interceptor pilots are on standby inside their crew room, remember this – you only get to go about living a happy life and going about with your personal business because of these glamourless silent sentinels who watch our airspace round the clock.
General Dato’ Sri Haji Affendi bin Buang RMAF, Chief of Air Force speaking to reporters at the ‘Media with RMAF Day’ recently. To his right is Lieutenant-General Dato’ Sri Haji Abdul Mutalib bin Dato’ Haji Ab Wahab RMAF, Commander of RMAF Operations Command“We shall prioritise our needs and ensure that the sovereignty of this beloved nation is NOT compromised in any way despite the budget constraints.”
The above was said by the Chief of the Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF), General Dato’ Sri Haji Affendi bin Buang RMAF when asked to comment about the effects of the budget constraints on RMAF operations.
“True to this year’s 59th anniversary theme which is ‘Kuasa Udara Tonggak Kedaulatan Negara’ (Air Power Pillar of National Sovereignty) the RMAF’s assets will always be ready in any situation and time to deal with any eventuality.”
The absence of any stop-gap measure since the RMAF took the MiG-29Ns offline, coupled with the lack of funds for the acquisition of new MRCAs have been worrying. Although the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN) has gotten its boost in assets with the purchase of six Littoral Mission Ships, the lessons of Force Z that ended some 47 nautical miles northeast of Tioman island must never be forgotten.
Force Z comprised of the brand-new battleship HMS Prince of Wales, the battlecruiser HMS Repulse, and destroyers HMS Electra, HMS Express, HMS Tenedos and HMAS Vampire. On 10 December 1941, Force Z was decimated by Japanese aircraft from Saigon with only the destroyers making it back to Singapore.
Lack of air cover and underestimation of the Japanese force were key reasons to its decimation.
The RMAF has been wanting for a new MRCA and the two strongest contenders are the Dassault Rafale and the Saab Gripen. There is a need to maintain the number of airframes to meet the doctrine. However, it does not seem as if the RMAF would be getting any in the near future.
This has prompted the RMAF leadership under General Affendi to bring the MiG-29N back online. “We will make sure that we have sufficient airframes to conduct the priority missions and not compromise our sovereignty,” added General Affendi.
A senior RMAF MiG-29N jock confided that it is very necessary to have the MiG-29N back online no matter the short-term cost of operating them.
“We’ll see probably six to ten of them flying missions soon,” he said.
“Maybe you’ll see the return of the Smokey Bandits at the next LIMA!” quipped another, referring to the RMAF’s MiG-29N aerobatic team that used to wow the crowd at previous Langkawi International Maritime and Aerospace exhibitions.
The MiG-29Ns will come back online to ensure that the sovereignty is not compromisedMost of the fighter squadrons are based in the Peninsular with only the No.6 Squadron based in Labuan operating the Hawks 208s. The Hawks have been succesful in intercepting foreign military aircraft in the eastern South China Sea.
“There has not been that many incursions by the Chinese. It’s the countries that are observing the Chinese that have made the most incursions,” confided another senior officer. “The Hawks are doing a good job at intercepting and directing them out of our airspace.”
Even so, the Hawks are limited in terms of endurance, firepower and range to perform such task. The squadron not only has to cover the development in the Spratlys but also the east of Sabah.
“You mean for ESSCOM?” I asked another senior officer.
“Not just there. To watch over the Ambalat area too,” he replied. “We could do with at least two G550 AEW equivalent to cover our waters and borders.”
Therefore, it makes real sense to have the MiG-29Ns back online, perhaps based in Labuan, while some Hawk 208s could go on rotational deployment at Sandakan for interdiction missions.
“The RMAF is also seeking to develop its capabilities especially in maritime patrol and the use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles,” General Affendi explained. “We need to look for other longer-endurance aircraft and systems that is better than the Beechcraft that we have.”
The RMAF fleet of the Beechcraft 200T MPA have been reduced to just three aircraft after a crash on the 21 December 2016 killed the aircraft commander while two other aircrew survived with injuries. The Beechcrafts have been in service for almost two decades.
Asked if the recent offer by the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Forces (JMSDF) of its almost three-decades old P-3C Orions, General Affendi said that a team will be sent to evaluate the aircraft offered.
“It is not just about operating the aircraft but also the cost of upgrading if needed and maintenance as they are not new aircraft,” he replied. “We do need better MPA capabilities which is why we will scrutinise the JMSDF MPAs and compare them to purchasing and operating newer systems.”
The Japanese Maritime Self Defence Forces has offered Malaysia its decommissioned P-3C Orion MPAs (Photo courtesy of Wikipedia)General Affendi thanked the government for its support and understands the constraints faced by the government as a result of a sluggish global economy. Nevertheless, he said that the RMAF would work within its means to ensure that all systems needed to monitor and intercept incursions as well as to carry out other missions such as Humanitarian And Disaster Relief (HADR) required from time to time.
“The Airbus A400M is a good buy. We can carry more load than the C-130Hs ever could and go places the (Boeing) C-17 (Globemaster III) cannot,” said General Affendi of the RMAF’s latest acquisitions. “Imagine how many stops the C-130H needed before getting to the Middle East. The A400M can fly straight to Dubai from here.”
The RMAF says its current strength of four A400M is sufficient to carry out foreseen missionsThe RMAF had brought 80 media practitioners from all over the country to witness the capabilities of the force. Performing Close Air Support displays were F/A-18D Hornets and Hawk 208s while a EC-725 Caracal helo inserted a PASKAU GFAC team to perform GLTD mission for the above aircraft before being extracted via SPIE-Rig method.
No matter the situation, the RMAF will fulfill its motto “Sentiasa Di Angkasaraya” and with a good leadership under the Chief, General Dato Sri Haji Affendi bin Buang RMAF, the RMAF will continue to be rejuvenated at 59.
Selamat menyambut Hari Ulangtahun Tentera Udara DiRaja Malaysia ke-59.
An F/A-18D Hornet makes an aggressive turn An Eurocopter EC-725 Caracal positions itself to extract the PASKAU GFAC team Three Hawk 208s orbit the airfield prior to landing A PASKAU GFAC team is extracted using the SPIE-Rig method
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