Mahathir kini agak tertekan untuk meraih simpati para pengundi akibat bekerjasama dengan DAP yang sejak azali menjadi musuh utamanya. Beliau hanya membohong apabila berkata bahawa beliau ingin ‘menyelamatkan’ Malaysia, sedangkan kita tahu apa agenda beliau berbaik-baik dengan Pakatan yang amat membenci beliau.
Sejak dari tahun 1980an sendiri kita telah disajikan dengan janji-janji DAP untuk mengheret beliau ke mahkamah untuk membicarakan beliau di atas jenayah-jenayah salahguna kuasa dan penggunaan wang rakyat untuk menyelamatkan perniagaan anak-anak dan kroninya. Kalau tidak, masakan Anwar Ibrahim gunakan isu kronisme dan nepotisme untuk menjatuhkan beliau dari takhta UMNO pada tahun 1998?
Tidak mustahil di antara Mahathir mengharapkan perlindungan daripada Perdana Menteri-Perdana Menteri selepasnya daripada tindakan undang-undang yang mungkin akan diambil terhadapnya. Beliau mengharapkan kerajaan Barisan Nasional yang kuat, serta Perdana Menteri yang menurut telunjuk beliau, untuk terus berlindung dari tindakan undang-undang.
Apabila Pak Lah enggan mengikut telunjuk beliau, Pak Lah telah diserang dengan begitu hebat hingga hampir menyebabkan kejatuhan kerajaan Barisan Nasional. Apabila Najib Razak pula enggan mengikut telunjuk beliau, orang-orang yang rapat dengan beliau telah dihantar ke luar negara untuk membuat seberapa banyak laporan terhadap Najib Razak.
Akibatnya, Najb Razak telah diserang hebat oleh bukan sahaja musuh-musuh UMNO, malah diserang juga oleh mereka yang di dalam UMNO. Tujuan Mahathir hanyalah untuk menjatuhkan Najib Razak dan menggantikannya dengan pilihan Mahathir, ketika itu merupakan Muhyiddin atau Mahiaddin.
Namun, serangan tersebut gagal apabila Najib Razak bangkit menangkis dan membalas serangan-serangan tersebut. Akibatnya, Muhyiddin dan Shafie Apdal kecundang, lalu meninggalkan UMNO. Mahathir tiada tempat untuk berpegang, apatah lagi untuk melindungi beliau dari ancaman tindakan undang-undang terhadap salahlakunya semasa menjadi Perdana Menteri.
Lalu beliau tubuhkan parti sendiri sambil menjilat ludahnya sendiri agar dapat diterima oleh DAP serta rakan-rakan sekutu mereka. Dan perjuangan Mahathir kini adalah untuk menjatuhkan Najib Razak agar Pakatan dapat berkuasa. Sehubungan itu, Mahathir juga mengangkat dirinya sebagai calon Perdana Menteri Pakatan Harapan dan mengharap agar beliau terlindung dari tindakan undang-undang. Tidak apalah sekiranya DAP memerintah secara proksi dan berpeluang untuk melaksanakan impian Malaysian Malaysia mereka di mana semua rakyat akan diberi hak saksama – termasuk dari segi peluang dan agama.
Tetapi tembelang Mahathir lama-kelamaan berbau juga, dan rakyat telah dapat menghidu segala pembohongannya. Kalau kita lihat dalam video di bawah, jelas Mahathir hanyalah merupakan kuda tunggangan DAP, dan bukanlah calon yang mereka kehendaki. Malah, DAP masih belum lupakan dosa-dosa lampau Mahathir dan tidak akan melindungi beliau:
Untuk tidak kehilangan sokongan akibat kerjasama beliau dengan musuh-musuh, beliau telah cuba meraih sokongan dengan membuat siri pembohongan yang mengatakan beliau akan dibunuh dan pesawat jet sewaan beliau juga telah disabotaj. Meskipun siasatan telah dilakukan terhadap pesawat tersebut oleh Pihak Berkuasa Penerbangan Awam Malaysia serta pemilik pesawat tersebut dan didapati tidak disabotaj, beliau masih berkeras mengatakan bahawa ianya telah disabotaj.
Saya yakin, sehari dua sebelum pengundian dijalankan, beliau akan melakonkan suatu kemalangan terhadap diri sendiri dan akan meraih simpati para pengundi dari katil hospital di Hospital Langkawi dengan menuduh Barisan Nasional. Drama Kera-La ini telah dijangkakan kerana Mahathir merupakan seorang pelakon yang amat baik. Beliau sanggup lakukan apa sahaja untuk tidak membenarkan parti Pribumi terhempas ke bumi.
Mahathir’s return to politics in 1973 was watched closely by other races, in particular the Chinese and Indians. His meteoric rise to the Deputy Prime Minister’s post in 1976 was of grave concern by many. His imminent Premiership caused a large number of migration by Malaysian Chinese. Despite the economic growth in the late 1980s through 1997, some 42,000 Malaysian Chinese opted to work elsewhere. This number includes some 14,000 Malaysian Chinese who were working illegally in Japan in 1993 (Shimada, 1994).
”If citizenship is conferred on races other than the Malays, it is because the Malays consent to this,” wrote Mahathir in his book ‘The Malay Dilemma‘.
“The Chinese and Indians coming from countries with vast populations are less concerned about good behavior and manners. In their lives, nobility, which is always associated with breeding, was totally absent. Age and riches are the only things they defer to,” he added.
Calling for reforms such as the mandatory use of tamper-proof scales, Mahathir wrote of scales that can be used to shortchange customers and said, ”The small-time Chinese retailer is adept at this practice and unscrupulous enough to use it as a weapon in competition.”
Mahathir was the ultra-Malay to many including the Malays themselves. Fears of race clashes haunted the voters during the run-up to the 1982 General Elections. I remember being sent to Mimaland in Gombak with Datuk Latt Shariman (President, E-Sports Malaysia) on polling day in case something bad happens. It was the first General Elections under Mahathir and it was called more than a year before the then-mandate ended. Public rallies were banned citing ‘security’ reasons and only indoor gatherings and house-to-house canvassing were allowed (Lim Kit Siang, 22 March 1982).
Even though Malaysia’s economic growth peaked at 8 percent in the mid 1990s, it was mired in scandals involving the practice of cronyism and nepotism. Lim Kit Siang wrote that Mirzan, Mokhzani and Mukhriz Mahathir – acted as companies’ directors, and that according to searches the DAP had made at the Registry of Companies at the end of 1994, Mirzan had interests in 98 companies, Mokhzani in 48 companies and Mukhriz in 67 companies (Lim Kit Siang, 16 June 1998). Compared to the 213 companies his sons were directors in back in 1994, 488 is the number of companies Mahathir, daughter and sons are directors in as at end of 2016 (Wakeup Malaya, 6 January 2017).
The calls for Mahathir to resign in 1998 for practising nepotism and cronyism culminated in the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim as his deputy in September of the same year, accusing the latter not only of being a tool for George Soros’s attacks on the country’s financial system but also for leading a morally-corrupted life. Lim Kit Siang and other Opposition leaders were quick to embrace Anwar, acccepting him into their fold when it was just a year earlier that the late Karpal Singh had made mention of allegations of sexual misconducts against Anwar in a Parliamentary sitting – a scene not much different to Lim Kit Siang’s immediate acceptance of Mahathir after decades of mudslinging the latter.
Anti-Mahathir demonstrations were held almost daily and then held every Friday afternoon at the National Mosque. These demonstrations were quelled using brute force. The ‘Reformasi’ movement was born, and the likes of theatre-practitioners such as Jo Kukathas were seen on the streets and interviewed by Maria Ressa saying “Enough is Enough” to Mahathir. Anwar and several other pro-Reformasi and UMNO leaders critical of Mahathir were arrested without trial under the ISA including current DPM Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.
Parti Keadilan Rakyat, then known by its acronym ADIL, was born out of hatred towards Mahathir, with the aim of toppling him and installing Anwar Ibrahim. The 1999 General Elections saw how Mahathir suffered a pyrrhic victory, losing grounds in Kelantan and his homestate of Kedah, while losing Terengganu to PAS. Mahathir-loyalists such as Ramli Ngah Talib, Megat Junid Megat Ayub and Sanusi Junid lost their seats. That was the beginning of the sounding of the death knell for Mahathir’s virtually unchallenged reign. During the UMNO General Assembly of 2002, he announced his resignation from party posts as well as Malaysia’s Prime Minister.
Ever since then, with the more open administrations of Pak Lah and Najib Razak, Mahathir became one of the targets of the Opposition in their blog posts, press statements as well as ceramahs.
In June 2012, Mahathir’s newly-made best friend even suggested that Mahathir is tried for his part in the BNM Forex scandal, hinting Egyptian Hosni Mubarak’s imprisonment as a comparison (Lim Kit Siang, 3 June 2012).
But all is forgotten and forgiven now, even when Mahathir admitted that his apology was only customary and not sincere. Despite veiled objections from Anwar and Azmin Ali’s camp, Mahathir was named at a Pakatan convention as their Prime Minister of choice albeit interim. This underscores the fact that the leadership of Pakatans parties do not trust the younger generation to lead the coalition as the position of the elders and powers that come with the position, may be undermined by the younger ones.
The signal of dissent is clear. Azmin only attended the convention for a while, not waiting for the announcement to be made while Karpal Singh’s daughter, Sangeet Kaur Deo, has hit out at Pakatan which probably is suffering from a dearth of capable young leaders. Even Mahathir once quipped that Anwar, who is 22 years his junior, may be too old to become a Prime Minister.
On Facebook, we are seeing people in their 40s and 50s voicing out their concern over Pakatan’s choice of Prime Minister, alarmed that the monster they have put behind them, could very well jump out from underneath the bed and into their lives again.
But it does not stop Mahathir from wanting to become the Prime Minister. He once hinted that he may have to consider becoming the PM again, underscoring the fact that he does not trust anyone else.
Wan Azizah may be blind to the fact that Mahathir had once denied the Premiership to her husband and went as far as making sure Anwar went to jail to keep him out of the way, while Lim Kit Siang is only friends with Mahathir because he needs the Malay votes to ensure Pakatan’s seats are sustained after the departure of PAS from the now-defunct Pakatan Rakyat.
Will Mahathir be willing to step aside for Anwar Ibrahim or whoever else younger who would be more acceptable to the younger and middle-aged generation aware of his antics? I doubt. But as Sangeet mentioned above, it will be a return to Mahathirism, an era of abuse of power, cronyism and nepotism that the Reformasi movement was totally against.
Somehow, it seems that the Reformasi movement has become a tool for what it was totally against – ushering Mahathir into the premiership and welcoming again abuse of pwer, nepotism and cronyism.
I don’t know why Arul Kanda’s presence at the opening ceremony of the UMNO General Assembly is made a fuss. So did Khazanah Nasional Bhd managing director Azman Mokhtar, Permodalan Nasional Bhd (PNB) group chairperson Abdul Wahid Omar, CEO Abdul Rahman Ahmad and Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera (LTAT) CEO Lodin Wok Kamaruddin.
It has always been a tradition for CEOs of Government-linked companies to be invited to the opening ceremony to listen to the UMNO President’s speech where it always touches socio-economic concerns. Even President of BN component parties are invited. In fact, among those who attended the final UMNO General Assembly with Mahathir as President were MCA’s then-President Ong Ka Ting and also PPP’s M Kayveas. So, what is the big deal?
Not too long ago, an archnemesis of the Opposition attended DAP’s Convention. There, those who swore to spit on his grave lined up to smile, bow and shake hands with the man they all had wanted to send to prison for being a corrupt dictator.
Behind Mahathir in the screen capture above is the very man who used to go around the country calling the former a PEROMPAK (robber).
Of course, now Mahathir is forgiven. All the RM100 billion according to both Lim Kit Siang and Barry Wain that Mahathir squandered have been forgotten, all in the name of politics. And in the name of politics, all those with past sins are forgiven the moment they work hand-in-hand with Pakatan.
Arul Kanda, President of BN component parties, all sat with the rest of the guests an delegations. Mahathir, however, was given a seat on the stage with DAP’s central executive committee members.
So, is Mahathir a DAP member? Maybe, Malaysiakini can answer this question.
Compared to MCOBA, ANSARA is not politically-inclined at all save for some chapters. But even those Pakatan-leaning chapters did not nominate Mukhriz for any position.
When I advised the committee members of an Air Force veterans association to seek help from Mukhriz the Menteri Besar over an issue they were facing in Kedah, they shook their head saying they would rather seek help from the EXCOs or individual ADUNs as Mukhriz was not a performer.
Of course, Mukhriz has been making his rounds in his parliamentary constituency but even people there tell me that he hardly visited them when he was the MB. They dismissed it as a superficial attempt to show that he is still relevant.
He even visited Langkawi, where his own father is the self-appointed Ketua Pribumi, to tell people of his vision to develop Langkawi even further, including turning the padi patch behind the Ayer Hangat Cultural Village into a commercial area.
The problem is, the islanders are aware that for 22 years, Mukhriz’s father only brought development to the southern part of the island, enriching cronies and outsiders, giving them land, leaving people in the northern half to fend for themselves.
Just like Pulau Pinang, there is hardly a beach that locals could go to to enjoy.
Other than bitching about what BN does, they are also good at doing bad things like creating fear among the kampung folks by dishing out lies.
An example is the putting up of a land office map of several kampungs in Seri Medan with a crudely-drawn rectangle showing “the new alignment of the High Speed Rail” that will affect the respective kampungs. Not even people in the Johor Land and Housing committee have heard of such re-alignment of the HSR.
Although Pribumi has a foot in Kampung Parit Seri Menanti where a former UMNO man angered by not being given contracts had set up a Pribumi branch, the party has made a base out of Kampung Sri Bengkal’s favourite Soto Kambing joint in nearby Parit Yob which is operated by a housewife and her amputee husband.
But seeing the number of likes and comments on the Instagram page belonging to a high-ranking Pribumi official shows that the 1.5 million signatures of a petition presented by Pribumi AMANDA’s Syed Sajat is nothing but a fabrication.
Of late, even Pakatan-organised talks cannot muster the same crowds as they used to. A sign that people are weary of the amount of bitching the Pakatan has been doing instead of spending time and taxpayers’ money in the form of their allowances to do good for the rakyat.
There may have been some crowd when Mahathir was in Kuching recently but you can hardly take that as a show for support. Even my BN-supporting relatives were there “to see what the fuss is all about” and to see what stallowners have to offer.
See how the latest Pakatan talk fared.
Even the President of Pribumi who claimed he was expelled from UMNO for fighting against the alleged excessiveness of Najib Razak, could muster a handful at his talks.
This is the sorry state of support that the Pakatan could muster. It tells a lot. Maybe they should save the trouble first before saving Malaysia.
Kurniawan bin Hendrikus (not his real name) who now lives in Kampung Gayaratau off the Ranau-Tamparuli road fears for the future if Pakatan wins Sabah.
“I worked in Semporna and Tawau in the 1990s and used to fear walking alone at night as these towns virtually belonged to ‘Malaysians’ from the Southern Philippines,” he recalled. “Now, the same man who treated Sabah like rubbish is heading the Opposition to try oust the Barisan Nasional.”
Sabah has been plagued by illegal immigrants for over three decades, causing socio-political and economic problems for the state. Although the numbers vary from thousands to millions depending on who you ask, all agree that the influx of immigrants especially from the Southern Philippines happened during Mahathir’s premiership, a move said to dilute the influence of the majority-Christian Kadazan-Dusun-Murut (KDM) communities.
Mahathir must be brought to account for “Projek IC”, the massive operation that flooded Sabah with illegal immigrants in exchange for Malaysian citizenship in the move dubbed ‘Project IC’ said Madius Tangau, the MP for Tuaran.
Madius who is also the President of the United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun Murut Organisation (Upko) added that the Sabahans want the PM then (Mahathir) who has admitted to giving out the fake ICs to be held responsible.
Mahathir blamed Anwar Ibrahim, who was his deputy at the time of the ‘Project IC’ taking place, for being directly involved in ‘Project IC’ and for acting without his (Mahathir’s) knowledge, the same blame game he uses in the Scorpene drama where he blamed Najib Razak, who was then the Defence Minister, for paying RM3.7 billion without the knowledge of the Minister of Finance, who also happened to be him (Mahathir).
A day after blaming Anwar, the latter returned the ball to Mahathir’s court saying it was Mahathir who was behind ‘Project IC.’ Anwar pointed out that there was even a taskforce set up by Mahathir to oversee the awarding of Malaysian citizenship to immigrants in Sabah.
Pakatan’s hint that Mahathir would be able to restore Sabah’s rights had Sabah’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) scoff at them for “daydreaming.”
Its President Teo Chee Kang reminded Pakatan that it was under Mahathir’s rule that the state suffered greatly, and lost some of its autonomy.
“I read in the papers that several Pakatan leaders from Sabah recently flew all the way to Kuala Lumpur to see Mahathir on Sabah rights under the Malaysia Agreement 1963. I find it ironic. I would like to remind them that it was during Mahathir’s administration in 1983 that our state powers to regulate the distribution of gas and electricity were taken back by the federal government. In the 22 years of Mahathir’s rule we lost numerous state rights to the federal government,” he added.
Dr Jeffrey Kitingan who is Sabah’s STAR Chairman said it was Mahathir who introduced ‘Project IC’ and told him (Jeffrey) not to ‘teach’ the people what they didn’t know (Sabah rights).
‘Project IC’ was also called ‘Project M.’ ‘M’ is for ‘Mahathir.’
Sabah also lost a lot under Mahathir’s rule. In 1983, Mahathir made plans for Labuan to be handed over to the Federal Government. Labuan is an important hub for the oil and gas industry. In order to make oil revenues from Labuan totally the Federal government’s, Mahathir conceived the plan for Labuan to become a Federal Territory during a Barisan Nasional meeting in 1983.
Harris Salleh, who was the BERJAYA Chief Minister of Sabah then agreed to hand over the island over to the Federal government without any deliberation. No referendum was made for the proposal.
In August 1983, Tun Datu Mustapha who was USNO’s President made a call to Labuan’s USNO division to reject the proposal and demonstrate against it. In February 1984, Mahathir proposed for the expulsion of USNO from the Barisan Nasional. On 21 February 1984, the Labuan USNO division voted to dissolve itself in support of the handing over of Labuan to the Federal Government. On 27 February 1984, UMNO Supreme Council voted for the expulsion of USNO from the Barisan Nasional. The expulsion of USNO from the BN took effect on 15 April 1984, one day before Labuan became a Federal Territory.
“We are not giving away our territory because the Federal Government is in the position to develop the island,” Harris said in his defence.
As a result of his subservience to Mahathir, Federal allocation to Sabah increased tremendously during the years when BERJAYA was in power. Despite this, in 1986 the poverty level in the state remained at 33 percent, which was higher than the national average of 18.
The transfers to Sabah from the Federal government dropped in 1986 when PBS under Joseph Pairin Kitingan won the state.
It was during the Mahathir-Harris master-and-servant relationship that Sabah also almost lost its right to determine its own Immigration policy.
Pairin, in reminding Harris on why he was ousted in 1985 as Chief Minister, reiterated that it was under the latter’s Berjaya Government that the state’s rights were slowly eroded until very little was left.
“The Berjaya Government was on the verge of surrendering Sabah’s immigration powers before it was ousted from power,” said Pairin in a bombshell revelation.
Even Lim Kit Siang who is Mahathir’s now best-friend-forever wrote that Mahathir must explain the attempt to undermine Sabah’s rights to its own immigration policies.
He wrote: “As the then Prime Minister, Tun Mahathir – who is still very active and alert in the public domain, even plotting to scalp another Prime Minister – should throw light on another long-kept secret in Malaysia on the circumstances and history of attempts in his first four years as Prime Minister in the eighties to abolish Sabah’s state immigration powers as revealed by Joseph Pairin.”
This goes to show that other than Mahathir neither Lim Kit Siang nor Anwar Ibrahim or their respective parties (PRIBUMI, PKR, DAP) can be trusted to look after Sabah’s rights. But what about Shafie Apdal, once UMNO’s rising star from Sabah?
Shafie’s WARISAN, is seen by many in Sabah as being a proxy of Mahathir’s PRIBUMI. Many also question Shafie’s honesty in wanting to help Sabahans.
“People ask what he did to develop Sabah when he was in the federal Cabinet. Did he do anything to fight for Sabah autonomy? Even the other opposition leaders are asking these questions,” said Unimas don Dr Arnold Puyok to The Star.
Three village chiefs, Sosor Bin Aling from Kg Mempulut , Simon Sinsuran from Kg Dalit Stesen and Lidy Bin Lunggiri from Kg Pohon Batu said in the 1980s when Mahathir was in power, roads were never repaired and electricity did not reach them.
“Along the way, we were still using kerosene. Road conditions were extremely severe and there was hardly clean water to use. The primary schools were still as in the days of the British. However, the current Prime Minister had given them access to electricity and water supply is currently under installation, ” they said.
They said compared to the last 22 years with the last eight years, Najib Razak as the Prime Minister had helped them to get basic amenities like roads, schools and a clinic.
“We therefore fully support the government led by Najib. He is one of the best leaders compared to Mahathir. Logs were felled at the time of Mahathir and our area was also handed over to the major companies and we did not get any results,” they lamented.
Simon thanked Najib as he approved the construction of SMK Dalit which served about 30 villages.
After building SMK Dalit, their children no longer need to go to Keningau to study at secondary schools.
He hoped Najib would upgrade the clinic at the Dalit station.
Similarly, in Kabulu, they asked for a clinic for the good of the people in the area.
With also the toll-free Pan Borneo Highway which is already under construction set to improve communications and livelihood of Sabahans (as well as Sarawakians), it is only right for Sabahans to know that progress will only happen by having an administration that truly cares for its people and delivers promises.
Not the ones who use arm-bending solutions or those who now turn a blind eye on the said solutions just because they want to try ride on the dictator’s self-imagined ‘popularity.’
When I first set my eyes upon the photo above late last month, I thought of individual monologues based on the body language shown by the individuals in the photo.
Lim Kit Siang: “I am only holding this up because I will need the support of the Malays in PKR.”
Mahathir: “Anwar as the 7th PM? No way, Jose!”
Azmin: “I don’t really want to put this up but I need the party to vote me for the top post.”
Wan Azizah: “Better him than me. I am clueless most of the time!”
The above photo is the perfect depiction of how the Opposition front is in a disarray. Each of the parties in the Pakatan Harapan want to become the Big Brother. PKR believes that it has what it needs to lead the coalition; Pribumi believes that it should have the lead role as it has a former Prime Minister as well as a former Deputy Prime Minister (and throw in a former Menteri Besar who did virtually nothing for the state he governed); while the DAP knows that it is the Kingmaker in the coalition, and no matter who becomes the Pakatan’s PM, they call the shots.
However, if those above were actually sincerely hoping for Anwar Ibrahim to become the next Prime Minister, they would be utterly disappointed as Anwar had recently announced the removal of himself as the coalition’s PM candidate. The announcement leaves the race to become the Pakatan’s Prime Minister candidate to just two persons – Azmin Ali, PKR’s current Deputy President and Menteri Besar of Selangor, and U-Turn Mahathir, a former Prime Minister who stepped down but now misses the power that comes with the seat.
Wan Azizah does not come close to being the person either Azmin or Mahathir are.
But what of Lim Kit Siang?
Lim Kit Siang is the de facto father of the Opposition, no matter by what name you call it. Although he declared that he is not interested in the post of the Prime Minister, everyone knows that he does not have to be in the seat to actually rule the country. Nizar Jamaluddin, the JKR engineer who once went on to become Perak’s Menteri Besar, contested on PAS’s ticket but became the MB because his mother is related to Perak DAP henchmen Ngeh Koo Ham and Nga Kor Ming. Through Nizar, the DAP managed to get things done its way, including giving leasehold land to Chinese New Villages inhabitants for 999 years!
Although Kit Siang is just a member of the DAP’s Central Executive Committee and nothing more, he is the hidden hand behind the CEC and especially his son, Lim Guan Eng (Tokong) who is the party’s Secretary-General.
Lim Kit Siang is known to use whatever means at his disposal to make sure he stays in power.
Those born in the mid-1970s and onwards may not have heard of the name Goh Hock Guan. He was the DAP Secretary-General who was involved in a power tussle with Kit Siang.
Hock Guan, who was also the Selangor DAP Chairman, wanted to field Lau Dak Kee in the Ulu Selangor by-election but Kit Siang favoured (now Tan Sri) Lee Lam Thye.
The repeat of this was in Johor during the 13th General Elections where Kit Siang and Tokong pushed aside then-state DAP Chairman Boo Cheng Hau and fielded their minions in order to hold on to power.
Kit Siang’s next move was to expel Hock Guan from the party. Others who were expelled included Dr Soarian, Chan Teck Chan, Seow Hun Khin, Chin Nyuk Soo and Goh Lin Eam.
Goh Hock Guan, in his letter to Cheng Man Hin, said,
“I don’t want to have any relationship with Lim Kit Siang. We’re totally adverse in terms of viewpoints and personality. As long as Kit Siang is holding the position as the Secretary-General of the DAP, he would definitely and finally destroy the future of DAP.”
Lee Lam Thye was made the Deputy Secretary-General but without power nor authority. Under Kit Siang’s orders, Lam Thye was not allowed to give views nor comments of any dissatisfaction. But he had an impeccable record of service to his constituency, and this threatened Kit Siang’s position.
On 29 September 1990, Lee Lam Thye dropped a bombshell announcing his departure from the DAP. He said,
“A few leaders had hurt me from behind…I can’t stand anymore.”
After Lam Thye’s resignation, Lim Kit Siang issued a gag-order on the DAP ordering all party members to ‘shut-up’, avoiding giving any statement, view or statement through the media.
Azmin Ali may be the star of PKR but he does not have the support of the leadership. It is no secret that he has no love whatsoever for Wan Azizah and her camp.
Dubbed as the UMNO-man in PKR, I doubt that Azmin would make it to the Prime Minister’s seat as long as there still are those who are opposed to him.
And I also doubt his ability to rein them in onto his side.
This leaves us with the Gollum who still yearns for his precious seat.
At 92, many think that he is too old to be returning to the Premiership. He doesn’t think so. Even with a protem Pribumi President, he thinks that only he is fit to lead the nation he dumped in 2003.
Which is why despite concerns he has twice hinted that the next Prime Minister for Malaysia is him.
We all know what kind of a PM he was, and we all know putting him and Kit Siang side-by-side, they are actually one of a kind. Both are fighting for the survival of their dynasty while current PKR’s reason for struggle has not changed since 1998 – Anwar Ibrahim’s freedom and nothing else beyond that.
Wan Azizah has already announced after Anwar’s bombshell announcement that the Pakatan should concentrate on winning the next general elections before thinking of who is to become the PM.
That is as absurd as saying let us get in the car and then we decide where to go on a holiday. Everybody wants to know who will become the PM if they let you win. Having said that, you do not need to have a brain if you are Wan Azizah
Although time is running out for him, Mahathir has no problem working with arch enemy Kit Siang as long as he gets to become PM again.
Maybe all he wants is to die in office. That way he stays No.1 till kingdom come. Who doesn’t want a send-off fit for a Pharaoh? So, in the meantime, wishing the 7th PM Selamat Hari Raya, whoever you may be.
Back in September 1998, I asked a fellow ex-serviceman, a known Anwar Ibrahim supporter, of his direction when Anwar declared war on UMNO. His reply was simple but meaningful:
“You don’t burn your house down just because your family hates you. They are still family.”
When U-Turn Mahathir formed Pribumi, many expected UMNO members to dump the latter in throngs and join the former. That never happened.
Anwar’s facade in his war against Mahathir for the premier post was his “fight against nepotism and cronyism.”
Some “changes” did take place within post-Anwar UMNO. Mahathir’s son Mokhzani stepped down as the UMNO Youth’s treasurer while Mukhriz was not allowed to contest for the Youth Chief position.
As it goes in the Old Testament: “Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or a leopard its spots? Neither can you do good who are accustomed to doing evil.”
The epitome of nepotism in Pribumi is the naming of Mukhriz as its Deputy President while Mahathir, who holds the Chair, is also the de facto leader, something he failed to become in the UMNO under Najib Razak.
The first hint of problems arising in the months-old party is when Mahathir is seen going around doing roadshows with most of the pro-tem committee members including Mukhriz who is the Deputy President, while Muhyiddin Yassin who is the President appears mostly alone.
Two months after the party’s formation, Khairuddin aka Mr Botox, known as Mahathir’s chow kow or running dog left the party to “concentrate on court cases.”
Five months later, both he and Mr Empty Boxes aka Ezam, headed a party called New Gen Party and changed its name to Parti Bebas Rasuah.
Several days ago, the President of the New Gen Party, Kumaar Aaman, and its Secretary-General Mohamad Zaini Jaafar, lodged a report to the police and Registrar of Societies claiming that Ezam had stolen his party.
Barely two months after the departure of Mr Botox, a scandal erupted in Pribumi. Internal rivalry saw the exposure of steamy WhatsApp conversations screen captures between Anina Saadudin and her supposed sex partner. The exposé was done by none other than her own assistant, Haiyan Uqba.
Anina, who is a Mahathir loyalist is rumoured to be at loggerheads with the Osman sisters from Perak. Whether or not they are involved in the scheme to oust Anina is yet to be proven.
Early last month, 500 members of the party from the Rembau division quit the party en masse. According to the PPBM Chief Activist for Negeri Sembilan, Mohd Anas Sudin, he and the 500 have lost their confidence in the party leadership.
Last week, the Gabungan Ketua Cawangan Malaysia (GKCM) decided to withdraw its support for the party’s leadership. The movement claims to have 5,000 supporters.
This was followed today by the resignation from all party posts as well as the leaving of the party by one of its founding members, Kamarulazman Habibur Rahman.
Kamarulazman said that the leadership of Pribumi has their head high in the clouds and are too fixated on becoming the PM.
“Those who worked really hard for the party are now being treated as second-class citizens,” he said.
He added that his departure from Pribumi is being followed by 821 members nationwide, mostly from Negeri Sembilan.
In a feeble attempt to hide the truth, Syed Saddiq attributed Kamarulazman’s departure to “threats” from the government as he is a teacher.
If this is so, are the 1,321 former members of Pribumi teachers too?
However, when expelled from UMNO in March 2016, Kamarulazman made mention that he does not fear losing his job as a teacher for supporting the Opposition.
It’s not a secret that hundreds of teachers support the Opposition yet they are still teaching. So what excuse can Syed Saddiq give now?
Perhaps, as pointed by blogger Anotherbrickinwall, Mahathir too would leave the divided new party.
I doubt any party would take him. DAP, the favourite choice, is filled with people opposed to the idea of working with Mahathir, let alone allowing him to join.
The same goes to PKR.
Perhaps it is time for Mahathir to leave the withering flower and consider retirement from politics and join the only party that would probably make him happy.
What everyone fears most is for the Malays to unite. I wrote this a few months back. All the lawmakers know that the RUU355 amendments have no impact whatsoever to the non-Muslims, and even if all the Muslims MPs from both PAS and UMNO were to vote for the amendments, they will never attain the 2/3rd majority required to pass the bill for it to go to the next stage.
Which is why the Malays in the DAP, PAN, PKR and Pribumi are the tools for the DAP leadership to use, as in the words of Superman Hew, “to screw the Malays using the Malays.”
Objections are raised using mainly the Malay tools. The screen-capture of a Twitter conversation between a BERNAMA journalist and a PAN MP is the evidence to that.
In the run up to its tabling, the RUU355 has met with lots of resistance. I don’t believe that the lawmakers don’t know that it is the right of each religious group to manage and administer its own affairs. I also don’t believe that the lawmakers do not know that Islam is the religion of the Federation.
But the resistance towards it is mainly to avoid the provision of an opportunity for Muslims and Malays to unite just before the next general elections. They oppose just for the sake of opposing.
And then in comes the individuals who do not see or understand that in Islam, protecting the rights of a community supercedes the rights to protect an individual’s rights, nor understand the separation of jurisdiction between the civil law and Syariah law.
This dual system of law first existed in the Malay states in Perak in 1807 with the introduction of the Royal Charter of Justice of 1807 in Pulau Pinang. Prior to that, laws based on the Syariah has been the lex loci of this land.
Islam first came to this land in the ninth century A.D and flourished in the 13th century, 200 years before the kingdom of Melaka was founded. The first evidence of a coded Syariah law was from the Terengganu’s Batu Bersurat, written in 1303, a full century before Melaka.
The kingdom of Melaka produced two major legal digests, which formed the main source of written law in Melaka – the Hukum Kanun Melaka , and the Undang-Undang Laut Melaka . The Hukum Kanun consists of 44 chapters, which touched upon matters such as the duties and responsibilities of the Ruler, prohibitions amongst members of society and penalties for civil and criminal wrongs and family law. The Undang-Undang Laut consists of 25 chapters, which covered maritime matters, such as the duties and responsibilities of ships’ crew, laws pertaining to voyages and trade. The law contained in the above written codes are said to be based on Islamic law of the Shafie School, together with elements of local custom.
Melaka’s written codes were responsible for the growth of other written codes in other states of the Peninsula: Pahang Legal Digest 1595, the laws of Kedah 1605, the Laws of Johore 1789, and the 99 Laws of Perak, 1878.
Therefore, the question of the Syariah creeping into the lives of the Muslims of the land does not hold true. The reverse however is. The RUU355 is not about amending the offences but merely seeking the agreement to enhance the punishments to be meted out for the offences. And as explained in previous writings as per clickable links above, the Federal Constitution is the supreme law of the land and therefore offences already covered in the Penal Code as well as in other civil laws made canoot be tried under the Syariah laws of Malaysia.
Furthermore, the separation of jurisdiction of the legal systems provided by the Constitution also ensures that the rights of non-Muslims are protected – only Muslims can be subjected to the Syariah law.
On the question of the Muslims being subjected to dual laws, this is not a problem. If a Muslim commits theft, he will not get his hand amputated in Malaysia. Theft is an offence under the Penal Code and therefore the Muslim offender gets punished according to what is provided for by the Penal Code. The punishments that the Syariah court can mete out cannot go beyond the Second List of the Ninth Schedule of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia.
DAP Emperor Lim Kit Siang was against the introduction of Section 298A of the Penal Code of Malaysia. In a Parliament debate on the 9th December 1982 on the Penal Code and Criminal Procedure Code (Amendment) Bill 1982 he said the following:
I was aware that the new Section 298A of the Penal Code has also been drafted in order to punish the non-Muslim partner in a khalwat offence until I read a Bernama write-up on the amendment the other day. The Bernama report exulted that now both the Muslim and non-Muslim parties to a khalwat offence would be punishable, the non-Muslim under the Penal Code amendment.
A Muslim found guilty of khalwat is usually fined $200 or $250 under the Muslim enactments of the various States. I have caused a check of the penalties for khalwat, offences in the various states, which vary from State to State but they all range from the lightest penalty of $100 or one month’s jail in Kelantan to the heaviest penalty of $1,000 or six months’ jail, as is to be found in Johore. However, the non-Muslim partner charged under the Penal Code Section 298A for khalwat activity which causes or attempts to cause or is likely to cause disharmony, disunity on feelings of ill-will would be exposed to an offence which is punishable with three years’ jail, or fine, or both.
This is most objectionable and unjust where for the same act, different persons are charged under different laws where one of them imposes much heavier penalties. Or is the Muslim partner in a khalwat charge going to be charged under the Penal Code in the Criminal courts? I am sure that the Shariah Courts in the various States would vehemently oppose this as a serious erosion of the jurisdiction and powers of the Shariah Courts.
So, in 1982 Lim Kit Siang opposed the introduction of Section 298A because a similar offence tried under the Syariah law would only provide for a much lesser sentence. Why is he complaining now about Hadi wanting to introduce higher punishments for the same? Wouldn’t it be fair for the non-Muslims?
As the purpose of the 2M government is to uphold the sanctity of Islam, defend true Islamic values and Muslim unity in the country so as to be able to deal with the problems of kafir mengafir, two imam issue, separate prayers and burials, in the Muslim community, the government should confine its legislative efforts to the Muslims only, and not draft a Bill with such far-reaching consequences in allowing for State interference in the practice, profession and propagation of non-Muslim faiths.
35 years later, he backtracks on the need for Muslims to make better its laws for the Muslims only. Which is why I say Lim Kit Siang is opposing for the sake of opposing so that the Muslims do not rally behind this bill months before the general election is due.
Even PKR’s Wong Chen acknowledged back on 29th Aril 2013, six days before the 13th General Elections that in order to gain support from the Malays, PAS, which was a partner in the Pakatan Rakyat coalition, needed to play up the Hudhd issue and had the full support from the parties in the Pakatan Harapan.
Hannah Yeoh, who is the Speaker of the Selangor State Assembly even allowed the Hudud motion to be brought into the assembly. So why oppose the same motion when it is brought into Parliament? Why the double standard?
And why must Lim Guan Eng ask the BN components such as MCA, MIC and others to bear responsibility for the tabling of the RUU355? Why don’t he ask his party’s Anthony Loke and Hannah Yeoh instead? They both supported Hudud and the tabling of Hudud in the Selangor State Assembly (as in the case of Hannah Yeoh).
Anthony Loke even went to town with his support for Hudud telling his Chinese audience not to be aafraid of Hudud:
Yet, the RUU355 is not even about Hudud. So, what is unconstitutional about the RUU355?
Only the objections by the vapid non-Muslims against the RUU355 is unconstitutional, as it is a right given to all religious groups, not just the Muslims, to manage its own affairs. I don’t have to agree with the amendments proposed by the RUU355, but it is my religion and therefore it should be left to the Muslims to manage its own affairs – as guaranteed by the Federal Constitution.
And as for the atheists, just stay off my social media accounts. You don’t have the locus standi to participate in this debate.
Berikut adalah pembongkaran penipuan Rafizi Ramli yang dibuat oleh Lim Sian See:
Di Parlimen semalam, Rafizi Ramli menggelar Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib sebagai ‘juara kepada juara’ apabila bercakap mengenai membelanjakan pendapatan dari hasil petroleum.
Rafizi yang sudah berkali kali masuk mahkamah kerana memfitnah, mendakwa Najib membelanjakan RM376 bilion hasil pendapatan petroleum negara antara 2009 hingga 2016, atau secara purata RM54 bilion setahun.
Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi pula didakwa membelanjakan RM204 bilion dari pendapatan petroleum atau RM41 bilion setahun dari 2003 hingga 2009. (walaupun Pak Lah hanya mengambil alih kerajaan pada 2004).
Rafizi kemudian mendakwa Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad yang menjadi Perdana Menteri selama 22 tahun hanya membelanjakan RM163 bilion, atau RM8 bilion setahun.
Ok. Rafizi turut mengakui ia bagaimanapun tidak mengambil kira inflasi dan perubahan nilai matawang, yang secara mudah jika dihitung, perbelanjaan ketika era pentadbiran Dr Mahathir adalah berganda.
Hanya mengambil kira perbezaan nilai matawang sudah cukup untuk menjadikan perbelanjaan ketika zaman pentadbiran Dr Mahathir menjadi sekali ganda.
Kedua, Rafizi tidak mengambil kira kos pengeluaran, di mana ia turut meningkat memandangkan minyak yang dikeluarkan di pesisir pantai atau carigali di kawasan pendalaman tidak lagi wujud dan kita perlu meneroka ke luar pantai dan carigali laut dalam.
Ketiga, Rafizi tidak pula menggelar Najib sebagai ‘juara kepada juara, apabila kita bercakap mengenai pemberian subsidi sebagaimana kita lihat di carta di bawah berdasarkan kepada angka dikeluarkan Perbendaharaan, di mana perbelanjaan adalah 10 kali ganda daripada zaman Dr Mahathir berikutan kenaikan kos pengeluaran minyak, kesan matawang dan pertambahan jumlah penduduk.
Najib membelanjakan bahagian yang besar daripada pendapatan minyak ini kepada rakyat berikutan kadar subsidi yang lebih tinggi.
Keempat, Rafizi juga tidak menyebut Dr Mahathir telah mengenakan cukai ke atas petrol selama 22 tahun pada kadar 58.62 sen bagi setiap liter ketika harga minyak rendah pada ketika itu. Ini sahaja melibatkan berpuluh bilion Ringgit bagi pendapatan Dr Mahathir untuk beliau membina menara berkembar dan projek mega lain.
Maka sekali lagi, Rafizi mahu mengelirukan rakyat dengan tidak memberikan maklumat penuh dan hanya menceritakan hanya suku temberangnya untuk mencetuskan kebencian terhadap kerajaan.
Rafizi kemudian menggesa kerajaan untuk memulakan subsidi petrol biarpun seluruh dunia kini bergerak untuk tidak lagi memberikan subsidi menyeluruh seumpama itu malah pengeluar serta pengeksport minyak terbesar di dunia turut menarik balik subsidi, dan beralih kepada penyaluran subsidi lebih kepada sasaran sebagaimana dilakukan Malaysia.
Akhir sekali, Rafizi masih lagi tidak menjawab soalan berikut:
Malaysia adalah negara ke-16 termurah bagi harga petrol,
Negara yang lebih murah dari kita kebanyakannya pengeluar minyak terbesar di dunia.
Venezuela, Saudi Arabia, Turkmenistan, Egypt*, Algeria, Kuwait*, Iran, Ecuador, Bahrain, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Qatar, Sierra Leone, Oman, and Bolivia.
Negara yang mana Rafizi mahu harga kita lebih murah lagi? Mungkin Rafizi masih mahu Malaysia mengikut seperti Venezuela seperti yang diseru oleh beliau di tahun-tahun yang lepas?